Management of Body Composition



Management of Body Composition




Role in Wellness


imagehttp://evolve.elsevier.com/Grodner/foundations/ imageNutrition Concepts Online


What does weight or fatness mean to us as members of our contemporary culture? We step on the scale frequently, we read the numbers, and we often seem to get a message that extends beyond the simple mass of heaviness of our bodies. What message does the scale deliver? For some members of our culture, the figures on the scale convey something about their physical health. For others, the scale measures attractiveness. Sometimes it measures a sense of empowerment, of being in control of our lives. How can one simple assessment convey so many powerful interpretations? This chapter explores the meanings of weight or fatness in our contemporary culture and challenges these meanings and how they relate to wellness.


Because it is body fat that is really the issue, our focus is on fat rather than on weight. In addition, we use the approach of management of body composition; specifically body fat levels, rather than achievement of ideal body fatness. In this context, management is defined as the use of available resources to achieve a predetermined goal. This definition recognizes that individuals differ in the resources available to them and in the goals they set.


Consideration of the dimensions of health helps emphasize that managing body composition is more than just counting calories. Managing body composition levels by decreasing or increasing body fat or lean body mass is, if appropriate, an aspect of the physical dimension of health. Adequate levels of body fat allow the body to function most efficiently. The intellectual dimension of health provides the skills to understand and critique the role of society in molding our attitudes toward the shapes of our bodies. Regardless of body size, our emotional health depends on our developing positive self-esteem. The social dimension of health may not be affected by body fat levels, although those at either extreme of body size may need to develop a circle of friends and family who accept their size differences. The spiritual dimension of health is sometimes tested as a belief in a higher being, providing support for some individuals struggling with behavior changes related to food consumption.



Body Composition, Body Image, and Culture


Body Image


The phrase body image refers to the perceptions we have of our bodies. Although body image can refer to the functioning of the body, most often it deals with our ideas, feelings, and experiences about the physical appearance or attractiveness of our bodies. Individuals have a distorted body image when their perceptions are inconsistent with reality. For example, most people with anorexia nervosa view their bodies as disgustingly fat when in fact they are emaciated. Body image is important because it may affect how we feel about ourselves and how we behave.



Body Perception


All of us have notions as to what makes a body attractive. Fortunately we all don’t agree on some of the fine distinctions. In general, however, from where did our notions of attractiveness arise? Why do we think men should look strong and women soft? Many of our notions of attractiveness are so ingrained that we are unaware of them. Apparently, biology and culture interact to set the standards. It is probably this biologic influence that causes us to admire an appearance of strength in men and soft curves in women. Genetics also determines the potential for other characteristics of appearance, such as height, color of skin, shape of nose, and texture of hair.


However, within these biologically determined characteristics we make great distinctions as to what is attractive and desirable. At different times and places, humans have had widely differing notions of what constitutes an attractive man or woman. As far as fatness is concerned, a rotund figure has often been considered evidence of fertility and well-being. Prehistoric figures of women with massive breasts and hips have been unearthed all over Europe and are believed to have been symbols of good fortune and fertility. Over time, styles in attractiveness would come and go, sometimes favoring a full figure, other times favoring slenderness. Both fatness and thinness were viewed as unhealthy when carried to an extreme, but generally there was not a great deal of interest in weight.


As America entered the twentieth century, things changed. There developed a preference for slenderness that has not abated. Why this change in perception of attractiveness occurred and endured is not completely clear. Probably it was the coming together of several factors. These include concerns about the effects of an increasingly sedentary lifestyle, a heightened interest in fashion, the development of the medical profession, and increased knowledge of nutrition, as well as the self-interests of various promoters who saw profit to be gained by creating an anxiety about fatness.1


After World War II we entered an era of especially strong cultural influences. Mass media created a web of communication of a magnitude and efficiency that was never before possible. Now notions of attractiveness are shared quickly around the globe. Furthermore, sales promotion is a motive that underlies much of the communication. The outcome has been a view of beauty that homogenizes individual differences into a general sameness, decreeing the same size and shape for all.



Body Image: Illusions versus Reality


The effects of these conflicting cultural pressures are bewildering and, for some individuals, overwhelming. Physical attractiveness is narrowly defined as thinness and firmness and becomes, for some, the expression of personal worth. There follows an urgency to be sure one is thin enough. This concern is compelling for those fat and thin alike.


Most of us weigh ourselves regularly and have a good idea of our current weight. The figure on the scale, however, does not always agree with how fat we feel. Figure 10-1 shows an example of the type of instrument that investigators use to assess differences between actual, perceived, and preferred body size. The investigator instructs the subjects to mark the figure that is most like the way they feel at that time, as well as the figure that they consider ideal for themselves. When these figures are compared with an objective assessment, regardless of their actual size, the subjects usually have greatly overestimated their size.




Body Preferences: Gender Concerns


Investigators also use figure rating scales to determine how men and women differ in size preferences; they ask you which figure is most like how you would like to be, which is most like how you currently are, and which you think is most attractive to the opposite sex. Ideally, the answers to these three questions would be closely clustered, indicating that you are fairly satisfied with your size. For men, that is usually the case. Women, however, on average consider themselves much fatter than they think is ideal. Originally it was assumed that the women’s dissatisfaction represented a desire to appear more slender and, therefore, more attractive to men. Usually, however, women’s personal ideal is thinner than the figure they think men would choose, challenging the assumption that women want to be thin to attract men. An alternative interpretation is that both men and women interpret a slender body as evidence of being in control of one’s life.2



Body Acceptance: A Key to Wellness


Why is body image important? A negative body image may affect how we feel about ourselves generally: body image tends to become self-image. Furthermore, a negative body image may influence our health behaviors. We may feel defeated that because our bodies are so bad, it is not worth working hard to improve our health. At other times we may feel drawn to various kinds of risky behaviors in a frantic attempt to make our bodies more acceptable. We may strive mightily to meet the societal standards of attractiveness and thinness, but, given our individual genetic makeup, we cannot all succeed. Although humans have an awesome potential for growth and development, there are limits to the changes we can make and sustain in our body size and shape.2


If we have a healthy and positive body image, we evaluate various aspects of our bodies fairly realistically, finding some characteristics positive and others less so. Those we consider weak or unattractive, we accept in a dispassionate way, much the same way that we accept that we don’t all have beautiful singing voices or the ability to throw a great curveball. We understand that our bodies have multiple aspects, that there is more to our bodies than their size and shape. Our healthy body image is influenced by our awareness of how our bodies function and how they look. This image affects and is affected by socio-demographic factors. Body image satisfaction may be related to the degree of overweight and to psychologic distress represented by depression and low self-esteem.3 Understanding and accepting what we can and cannot expect to achieve in pursuit of the ideal body is a key to wellness. Only with this understanding can we establish goals to guide our behaviors toward health (see the Social Issues box, Dealing With Our Own Prejudices).



imageSocial Issues


Dealing With Our Own Prejudices


We live in a world in which fat intolerance or fat phobia (fear of fat) is the last socially acceptable prejudice. “Fatism” even seems to have similarities with racism. As a society, we are committed to self-improvement. Consequently, it may feel wrong to question the directive that all those who deviate from the ideal size and shape should dedicate themselves to rectifying the situation. Our fat intolerance may be motivated by the best intentions to be helpful to ourselves and to others, but like all prejudices, it diminishes the people to whom it is applied.


This prejudice is especially problematic when it exists among health professionals. Obese people often report they feel degraded by their health care encounters and therefore avoid seeking medical help. The traditional medical model holds the patient responsible for the existence of a health problem; this moralistic philosophy tends to justify blaming the patient for choosing to be fat or thin. Although this prejudice could be expected to interfere with their effectiveness, health professionals seem to possess high levels of fat intolerance. Consider these facts from National Association to Advance Fat Acceptance (NAAFA):



Medical Professionals


In a study of 400 doctors, the following was found:



In a survey of 2449 overweight and obese women, the following was found:



In one survey of nurses, the following was found:




Consequences




What about you? Have you been successful in questioning and replacing your own prejudices? Are you able to accept yourself and your body? As a future health professional, are you prepared to empower your patients to work toward total wellness, including the Health At Every Size (HAES) philosophy and habits?


Data from NAAFA: Healthcare, 2009. Accessed February 23, 2010, from www.naafaonline.com/dev2/the_issues/health.html.



Management of Body Fat Composition


If we say that individuals must choose their own values and goals, it is impossible to state one goal for everyone. Nevertheless, we can identify some probable commonalities. Surely most of us would define a goal of maximizing the quality and length of our lives. We probably can go further and say that our goal is to achieve the best possible health, including emotional, social, intellectual, physical, and spiritual aspects. This chapter proceeds on the premise that we can agree on some version of this goal. Most of us would also agree that too little and too much fat are likely to compromise physical health. In addition, we assume that the relationship between fatness and well-being is limited. That is, being slender does not guarantee happiness and health in all its aspects, nor is being heavy a sentence of unhappiness and illness.



Association of Body Fatness with Health


Physical Health


Most of our evidence of the association between fatness and physical health comes from epidemiologic studies. Epidemiologic research investigates the distribution of disease in a population and seeks to explain associations between causative factors and the disease. This type of research usually involves thousands of subjects and may be longitudinal (i.e., involving observations over a number of years). Because it is not practical to measure fatness in these large studies, weight is usually measured instead. Weight is most meaningful when considered in relationship to height. A convenient way to determine fatness is to calculate body mass index (BMI), a value derived by dividing one’s weight in kilograms by the square of one’s height in meters (Table 10-1). This formula for BMI results in a value that correlates well with body fatness.



TABLE 10-1


BODY MASS INDEX TABLE
























































































































































































































































































































































































































NORMAL OVERWEIGHT OBESE
BMI 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35
Height (Inches) Body Weight (Pounds)                                
58 91 96 100 105 110 115 119 124 129 134 138 143 148 153 158 162 167
59 94 99 104 109 114 119 124 128 133 138 143 148 153 158 163 168 173
60 97 102 107 112 118 123 128 133 138 143 148 153 158 163 168 174 179
61 100 106 111 116 122 127 132 137 143 148 153 158 164 169 174 180 185
62 104 109 115 120 126 131 136 142 147 153 158 164 169 175 180 186 191
63 107 113 118 124 130 135 141 146 152 158 163 169 175 180 186 191 197
64 110 116 122 128 134 140 145 151 157 163 169 174 180 186 192 197 204
65 114 120 126 132 138 144 150 156 162 168 174 180 186 192 198 204 210
66 118 124 130 136 142 148 155 161 167 173 179 186 192 198 204 210 216
67 121 127 134 140 146 153 159 166 172 178 185 191 198 204 211 217 223
68 125 131 138 144 151 158 164 171 177 184 190 197 203 210 216 223 230
69 128 135 142 149 155 162 169 176 182 189 196 203 209 216 223 230 236
70 132 139 146 153 160 167 174 181 188 195 202 209 216 222 229 236 243
71 135 143 150 157 165 172 179 186 193 200 208 215 222 229 236 243 250
72 140 147 154 162 169 177 184 191 199 206 213 221 228 235 242 250 258
73 144 151 159 166 174 182 189 197 204 212 219 227 235 242 250 257 265
74 148 155 163 171 179 186 194 202 210 218 225 233 241 249 256 264 272
75 152 160 168 176 184 192 200 208 216 224 232 240 248 256 264 272 279
76 156 164 172 180 189 197 205 213 221 230 238 246 254 263 271 279 287


image


Data from Clinical guidelines on the identification, evaluation, and treatment of overweight and obesity in adults: The evidence report. From National Institutes of Health: Aim for a healthy weight, NIH Pub. No. 05-5213, Bethesda, Md, 2005 (August), U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.


If we were to plot the findings of epidemiologic studies of the association of BMI and the risk of certain diseases or mortality from all causes, we would usually produce a U-shaped curve such as that shown in Figure 10-2.4 This curve means that individuals at both extremes of fatness—those very thin and those very fat—are at increased risk. Those at a more moderate fatness level have the lowest risk for the four leading causes of death in the United States: heart disease, some types of cancer, stroke, and diabetes. It is a surprise to many people that the low end of the fatness range, or underweight, shows an increased risk, which provides strong evidence that one can be too thin.



It is possible that the lowest BMI in these types of curves reflects low levels not of fat but of the lean body components.4 The higher risks at the low BMI levels probably reflect some degree of body wasting, including lean body mass, possibly caused by smoking or the effects of disease. To understand the effect of fat on mortality, we need to measure body composition (fat and lean) and not rely on weight alone. Although the factors contributing to this increased risk of extremely low weight are not completely clear, they are thought to differ from the factors associated with increased risk of heavy individuals.


Physically disabled individuals are at greater risk for obesity because of physical inactivity, muscle atrophy, and metabolic energy alterations. Strategies implemented to prevent weight gain support all dimensions of health.



Obesity and Physical Health


Because we have far more fat people in this country than thin ones, let’s consider first the impact of excess fat or obesity on physical health. Obesity can be defined as excessive fatness. More quantitative definitions traditionally used in medicine and the popular press are that weights greater than 110% of desirable weight equal overweight and weights greater than 120% of desirable weight equal obesity. These definitions assume a precision in interpreting risks of fatness that is simply not available. Use of BMI provides another tool for providing a quick assessment of weight in relationship to height. But, as will be discussed, BMI does not account for distribution of body fat, nor is it accurate for muscular individuals.


As research has extended beyond merely relating BMI to mortality risk, we have become aware that, between extreme emaciation and great obesity, just knowing how fat a person is doesn’t tell us much about their health. If we consider how the body fat is distributed, we can improve our understanding. Without knowing the individual’s total fatness or BMI, we can still make fat-mediated predictions about health risk. Higher levels of body fat around the waist seem to be more dangerous than fat in the buttocks and thighs. Fat located in the abdominal area is called visceral fat and seems to be especially related to risk. People with high levels of visceral fat are prone to a cluster of metabolic risk factors, including high blood pressure (hypertension of ≥130/85 mm Hg); low level high-density lipoproteins (men <40 mg/dL; women <50 mg/dL); elevated triglycerides (≥150 mg/dL); and impaired fasting glucose.5 When three or more of these criteria are present, the condition is referred to as the metabolic syndrome.5


The metabolic syndrome, apparently the result of complex endocrine interactions, increases the risk of atherosclerosis, heart disease, stroke, and diabetes mellitus. Diabetes mellitus is characterized by inadequate insulin activity. In the metabolic syndrome, levels of insulin are usually normal or even elevated, but obese people have developed a resistance to their own insulin. Although they have high levels of this hormone in their blood, the insulin fails to control blood glucose levels. As a result, type 2 diabetes mellitus (DM) may develop. Type 2 DM is the most common type and is highly, but not exclusively, associated with obesity.


imageObesity also increases the risk of health conditions that affect well-being but aren’t usually life threatening. Examples include menstrual irregularities, infertility, gallbladder disease, and some types of arthritis. Table 10-2 lists health issues for which obesity increases risk.



Bear in mind that obesity does not increase all types of health risks (see the Health Debate box, Is Obesity a Chronic Disease?). In fact, risks of some types of cancer and of osteoporosis are lower, and risks of other conditions (e.g., infectious diseases, chronic lung disease, liver disease, injuries) are no higher among obese people than the general population.



imageHealth Debate



Is Obesity a Chronic Disease?


Is obesity a chronic disease? Or do some people simply weigh more than others? And if the latter is true, is health possible at any size? There are social and medical implications of both positions.


The basis of obesity as a chronic disease is its association with illness and death from other diseases such as hypertension, coronary artery disease, and diabetes. To qualify as a chronic disease, the disorder must be of slow onset, continue over a long period, may reoccur, and have symptoms affecting the whole body. If obesity becomes medicalized—recognized as a chronic disease—there can be reimbursement by health insurance companies for treatment and additional funds for research. At this time, obesity treatment, if prescribed by a primary health care provider, may be reimbursed. Treatment generally continues to be of the associative disorders rather than directly of the excessive body weight.


The flip side of the medicalization of obesity is whether it is possible to be “healthy” and “fit” at any size or body weight. If health determinants other than weight are used to assess health, then it is possible. Criteria of physical fitness, normal range blood lipid, blood cholesterol, blood glucose, and blood pressure readings and the absence of weight-associated diseases may provide more health than continual weight loss regimens. The physical and psychologic stress of attempting weight loss among individuals who are healthy based on the above criteria may be more harmful than remaining at a higher, though stable, weight. Over the course of time, attempts to lose weight often result in the cycle of weight loss/weight gain or yo-yo dieting, which increases body weight. The goal of weight management is good health achieved through stable weight. For many, it is more realistic to realize the benefits of good health at higher than average weights than to be unhealthy struggling with inadequate dietary intakes in addition to the other negative behaviors and effects associated with weight loss dieting.


What do you think? Should obesity be considered a chronic disease or can health be achieved at every size?



imageUnanswered questions.

Up to this point we have shown some convincing evidence that obesity compromises physical health. However, to get a balanced perspective, we must consider some important issues and unanswered questions. First, we must recognize that most studies show considerable variability in the effect of fatness on health. Three factors identified that may be involved in the variability are fat distribution, age, and sex. Even considering these factors, however, there is still a lot of variability in risk. For example, it is widely agreed that obesity increases the risk of developing type 2 DM, but little consideration is given to the fact that most obese adults do not develop diabetes.


imageWhat accounts for this variability? Why is obesity more of a risk to young adults than to older ones? How do risks differ between men and women? Most large-scale studies of risk have included whites living in the United States or Canada as subjects. What about risks of other ethnic groups? The limited information available indicates that racial and ethnic factors may be important. In addition, why is it that in recent decades Americans have gotten fatter, yet rates of mortality caused by heart disease have dropped significantly? As scientists sort out the various genetic influences on fatness and on vulnerability to various diseases, many of these questions will be answered (see the Cultural Considerations box, Globesity).



imageCultural Considerations


Globesity


More than 300 million adults are obese, while another billion are overweight. Each year about 2.6 million people die from disorders related to being overweight or obese. Globesity, the spread of rising obesity levels throughout the world, seems to be centered on globalization and development tied to poverty. Hunger and malnutrition are no longer leading contributors to mortality; particularly in Latin America, obesity has joined the list. This may be partly due to “nutrition transition” in which traditional local foods and preparation styles are being replaced by highly processed foods that tend to be higher in calories, fat, and sodium and deficient in fiber, iron, and vitamin A—in essence “bad” nutrition or malnutrition.


Another potential factor of globesity is level of development and economy of regions. When incomes rise in poorer countries, people often gain weight and become fatter because more food can be purchased. In developed and transitional economies, greater income is associated with lower body weights. Why are poverty and overweight tied together? Studies show that short stature and growth stunting because of fetal and early life malnutrition are related to obesity in adulthood. It’s as if the body is trying to catch up for early damages but cannot be satisfied. In addition, cultural views may represent excess body fat as prosperity to some minority and socioeconomic subgroups. The family has enough wealth to afford sufficient amounts of food to eat well enough to the point of fatness. Higher-educated socioeconomic subgroups, with knowledge of health risk factors, tend not to view overweight in this manner.


Regardless of the cultural and economic reasons that fuel globesity, the health costs of obesity-related disorders are the same, including type 2 diabetes mellitus (DM), coronary artery disease, hypertension, and certain cancers. Developing countries still struggling with the ravages of undernutrition will struggle even more attempting to deal with disorders of overnutrition.


Application to nursing: As we work with populations from varying cultural, economic, and global perspectives, we can be aware that values of excess body fat may have different meanings to others. We may need to initiate discussions about prosperity and the notion of healthy body weight management as being economically “very valuable.”


Data from Eberwine D: Globesity: The crisis of growing proportions, Perspect Health 7(3):6-11, 2002; World Health Organization: 10 facts on obesity, February 2010. Accessed on February 23, 2010, from http://www.who.int/features/factfiles/obesity/facts/en/index1.html.


Does losing weight make health risks go away? And what about weight gain? We don’t have strong evidence that weight loss reduces health risk. The literature is mixed about the long-term health effects of weight loss; some epidemiologic studies show increased risks following weight loss, whereas others show no effect or a diminished risk.6 Important factors seem to be whether the weight was lost in response to a voluntary effort, the health condition of the person initially, and the pattern of weight changes (many gains and losses, one sustained loss, or other patterns).


imageMost epidemiologic studies include only initial weight, final weight, and mortality. This level of evidence is inadequate to illustrate the effect of sustained weight changes. One of the studies attempting to provide the needed information is the Nurses’ Health Study, which has monitored for 20 years the health of more than 100,000 female nurses. This study shows that nurses who gained 22 pounds or more after the age of 18 had increased mortality risk in middle age.7



Chronic dieting and risk.

One issue of contemporary concern is the effect of repeated or chronic dieting on risk. Given our cultural concern about fatness and the extremely limited success of most weight-loss attempts, there is a high likelihood that an overweight or obese adult will have tried to lose weight many times. Is it possible that some of the observed negative effects of obesity are really the outcomes of a lifetime of unsuccessful dieting? Although animal studies and some limited observations of humans support this hypothesis, reviews of the evidence conclude the risks were not strong enough to justify discouraging people from making repeated attempts to lose weight6 (see the Personal Perspectives box, A Work in Progress).



imagePersonal Perspectives


A Work in Progress


Sometimes it seems as though I’ve been on a diet all my life, although I can trace my relationship with my weight back to one crucial day during the year I was 8. My father, having noticed that my 12-year-old brother and I were both approaching the top of our age-weight range, decided to take us to a nutritionist. I am sure that she was nice, but all I remember from the meeting was a deep sense of shame rising up from inside me and a chart that hung on our fridge listing the caloric content of common foods. The idea was that my brother and I were to monitor our eating and keep our daily intake between 1200 and 1800 calories. Although I’m sure he had only the best intentions, to this day I’m not sure what my father expected. Thus began my first diet.


During those awkward middle years, I developed a skewed image of myself. I chose to hear only the teasing and none of the praise and began to believe I would be chubby forever. The summer before my freshman year of high school, I discovered the world of sports, however. In order to try out for the field hockey team, I had to be able to run 3 miles. The coach passed out a training guide to those who signed up, and I followed it to the letter. On the first day of tryouts, I found myself keeping pace alongside the team captain, and my baby fat soon disappeared.


But although I was healthy and in shape, I still obsessed about my weight. Over the next 4 years, I became bulimic. When that didn’t work, I would put myself on a regimen of 1000 calories a day, even during field hockey season. I developed irritable-bowel syndrome due to the stress I was placing on my body. When I graduated from high school, I weighed 125 pounds, right in the middle of the recommended weight range for my age, gender, and height. Yet I still saw myself as fat.


During college little changed. I was learning about other aspects of my identity, developing my skills and receiving praise for my talents. I exercised regularly and avoided the “freshman 15.” Yet when I looked around at the tall, waiflike young women on my campus, I could not shake my insecurities.


During my junior year of college, I went abroad to Spain. I immersed myself in a culture of home-cooked meals, walking, and late nights. There I dropped below 120 pounds for the first time in my life. I wore a size 4 by the time I left, and I was happy with my body. When I returned home, the attention I received for my new figure boosted my confidence even more. Back in New York City my senior year, I spent thousands of dollars on new clothes. But deep down inside, nothing had changed. Those same anxieties were lying buried, waiting for the opportunity to emerge again. When I look at pictures of myself from that time, I am both scared and in awe of the person I see. Behind the shining surface there is nothing but darkness.


Immediately after college I entered a fast-track program for new teachers in the New York City public school system. My first year teaching was exhausting, both physically and emotionally. I was usually broke, and on my third day of teaching, the World Trade Center was attacked. I could see the smoke from the Twin Towers from my bedroom window in Brooklyn. I gained almost 20 pounds in 10 months.


Over the next 4 years my weight increased steadily until, a year before my wedding, I realized I weighed almost 160 pounds. It was then that I turned to a well-respected weight loss program. Since the thought alone of attending meetings embarrassed me, I signed up online. The first time around, it didn’t work for me, but I returned. And through the program, I was forced to be aware of what I ate. More important, I learned portion control. I now consider myself a lifetime member.


I have come to see my body as a work in progress. I don’t measure my self-worth based on the numbers on a scale, but I do place a great deal of importance on my health. My struggle with my weight is a part of who I am, but it does not define me. My goal is no longer to fit some idea of who I ought to be, but to feel like my true self: healthy and happy in my skin.


Judith Zaft Grodner


Montclair, New Jersey



Obesity and Emotional/Social Health


For many years investigators have searched for a psychopathology that would fit most obese people and would help explain their fatness. Their efforts failed, for although a minority of overweight people suffer from a variety of mental health problems, no set of psychologic problems typical of obesity has been identified.8 Our culture’s extreme stigma against fatness extracts a tremendous toll on people who are obese. Social, economic, and other types of discrimination against obese people are widely practiced. This may lead to impaired self-image and feelings of inferiority, which in turn may contribute to social isolation and depression. Some people feel so guilty about their fatness that they hide away and put their lives on hold until they can achieve slenderness.


Other people (both obese and slender) who are concerned about their weights develop a characteristic known as restrained eating. Restrained eaters try to use willpower to restrict their eating to a level below their natural appetite (desire for food). Their restraint is susceptible to disruption by various disinhibitors, especially stress. When experiencing disinhibition, restrained eaters usually binge. The binge may be a response to the hunger (physiological need for food) denied for days or weeks. It may be guided by black-and-white thinking such as “If I can’t be perfect, I might as well give up.” Thus restrained eating makes management of body composition harder.


As is the case with threats to physical health, the psycho-social risks are not uniform. Many people who are obese feel good about themselves and lead active, productive lives with a variety of positive relationships with other people.

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Feb 9, 2017 | Posted by in NURSING | Comments Off on Management of Body Composition

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