The psychological preparation of children for hospitalisation

Chapter 5. The psychological preparation of children for hospitalisation

E. Alan Glasper and Rachel E.A. Haggarty



LEARNING OUTCOMES



• Appreciate why hospitals/healthcare institutions may be a source of anxiety for sick children.


• Explore a typical preadmission programme and discuss the pros and cons of such preparation.


• Describe the full range of interventions and distraction techniques used by children’s nurses to allay anxiety preadmission and preprocedurally.


• Understand the ways in which parents/carers can contribute to the preparation of children for hospital procedures, and consider the educational support that parents/carers require.


• Describe how emergency admissions/non-attendees to programmes can be prepared for hospital interventions.


• Consider the specific preparation needs of children with learning difficulties, communication impairment and chronic illness.


• Recognise the importance of ongoing education for healthcare professionals involved in preparing children and families for hospitalisation.



Introduction


This chapter considers issues surrounding the emotional well-being of the sick child, and the psychological preparation of children for hospitalisation. Saile et al (1988 p 109) define psychological preparation as:

… any planned strategy used by a professional or trained helper on a child or his family with the purpose of reducing anxiety related to medical procedures, decreasing pain, accelerating the healing process and making it possible for the child to cope adequately with the procedure.

The latter half of the 20th century, and indeed the first few years of the 21st, saw growing recognition within paediatric nursing of the potentially harmful effects that may result from children’s hospitalisation. A range of initiatives have been implemented to minimise such harmful effects, including parental participation in care, play specialists, shorter inpatient stays, preadmission preparation programmes and the development of more ‘child friendly’ hospital environments. It is therefore important that the child health practitioner has a sound understanding of these issues, and of the historical background to these initiatives.


Historical perspectives


The original founders of the UK children’s hospitals, which were built during the reign of Queen Victoria, were primarily motivated by the alleviation of the physical elements of illness during childhood. Children’s nurses of the past might not always have embraced the concept of family-centred care in the same way as contemporary nurses; this was perhaps a reflection of the poor understanding of the psychological aspects of health and illness prevalent at that time. Despite this, the maxim of the first of these Victorian edifices, the Hospital for Sick Children in London, is ‘the child first and always’ (Glasper & Charles-Edwards 2002). Indeed, during the 18th century, Dr George Armstrong is credited as being highly influential in delaying the opening of tertiary inpatient facilities for children in London, suggesting that children and their parents should not be separated as doing so would break the child’s heart (Miles 1986). He believed that parents would not be able to look after their children in hospital because of economic pressures (Glasper & Lowson 1998). However, in reality the appalling sanitary conditions, the overcrowding and the general poverty prevalent at that time ensured that the little care available in the home was also often of a poor quality (Kosky & Lunnon 1991).

It should be remembered that the early children’s hospitals were built in the pre-Nightingale era and before the professionalisation of nursing. The Nightingale tradition subtly changed the dynamics of the children’s hospitals, and military principles developed by Nightingale in the Crimea began to be applied. The move away from essentially lay care and the development of professional paediatric nursing had some disadvantages, namely the gradual exclusion of parents from the direct participation in care. So although there is evidence from historical drawings of the first ward at Great Ormond Street that parents were able to be with their children in hospital and participate in their care, the military changes eventually resulted in the establishment of strict visiting hours, with parents prohibited from visiting at a time convenient to them. Some hospitals allowed parents to visit only once a week or less often.

Bed rest for children until the advent of antibiotics was long and continuous and the screams and incessant crying bouts that accompanied each weekly visit convinced the nursing staff that parents were generally a hindrance rather than a help. Eventually, parents were perceived to be such an infection risk that some hospitals abandoned visiting altogether. Relatives were therefore often excluded because they were likely harbingers of disease and, perhaps more importantly, potential disturbers of the smoothness of long-established ward routines. The visiting times in many children’s hospitals were severely restricted. In the Southampton Children’s Hospital, for example, at least up until the outbreak of the First World War, visiting was allowed from 2 to 4 p.m. daily, except Sundays. As the century progressed, it became confined to 1 hour on Wednesday and Sunday afternoons, and then in 1947 was banned completely. Visiting was recommenced in 1950 on a limited basis and parents had to wear face masks. Indeed, looking at the UK as a whole, of the 1300 hospitals in Britain in 1951 that admitted children, only 300 allowed daily visiting (usually limited to 30 minutes) and 150 prohibited visiting altogether (Robertson 1989). The white-coated doctors and the starchly uniformed nurses who were so confident about the rightness of traditional practice often intimidated parents and were inaccessible for discussion. There was little in the curricula of either profession on the emotional aspects of childhood and it was not until after the Second World War that the real detrimental effects of early hospital admission became widely recognised.

There were, however, some enlightened paediatricians who had begun to make observations on the detrimental effects on personality development of institutional care. Sir James Spence, Professor of Child Health at the University of Newcastle’s Royal Victoria Hospital, began to allow mothers to stay in hospital with infants and young children, although he did not extend this service to older children (RCPCH 2000).

The recognition that psychological trauma might be perpetrated on children during their hospital stay came about slowly, and in the UK owes much to the work of John Bowlby and James Robertson. Their work was instrumental in providing the precursors necessary for the creation of a much more family-focused approach to the care of hospitalised children.


Theory of attachment


John Bowlby was a London-based psychiatrist who developed a particular interest in developmental psychology. He described the concept of attachment as a tendency of the young to stay in close proximity to the primary care giver, usually the mother in the first instance, and to be comforted by her sight, sound and touch (Gleitman 1986). Bowlby commenced volunteer work with maladjusted children in a residential setting and his lifetime interest in attachment was stimulated through his experience of working with an affectionless teenager who had no familiarity with a permanent mother figure (Bretherton 2002). The century of childhood nursing practice in which parental roles had virtually disappeared was about to change in the light of his work.

Bowlby was heavily influenced by the science of ethology (the study of animal behaviour) and in particular the work of Konrad Lorenz, who first postulated the theory of imprinting in young greylag geese chicks (Gleitman, 1986 and PSI Café, 2002). The process of imprinting is believed to occur in many animals but is graphically evident in animals such as geese or ducks when, shortly after hatching, the chicks form a strong attachment to whatever moving object they see in their line of vision. In the wild this is normally the mother but Lorenz and others substituted natural mothers with moving inanimate objects, such as rubber boots worn by the researchers. Once imprinted, the chicks follow the object wherever it goes throughout their early life.

Bowlby believed that a similar process occurred in human babies and he referred to this as attachment (Rutherford 1998). The crux of Bowlby’s theory is that all human infants need to attach to their mothers (or primary caregiver) if they are to develop into healthy, well-adjusted adults. Furthermore he described the concept of ‘bonding’ as the mother’s emotional attachment to the child (Rutherford, 1998 and Taylor et al., 1999). This important process is put at risk by any form of separation between mother and infant. In 1951 Bowlby published a World Health Organization monograph entitled ‘Maternal care and mental health’, in which he began to articulate the adverse effects on personality development of inadequate maternal care. From this date the tide began to turn, albeit slowly.

Two famous quotations from the WHO monograph still have a resounding impact on contemporary health care, despite the fact that they were published over half a century ago:

It is essential for mental health that the infant and young child should experience a warm, intimate and continuous relationship with his mother (or mother substitute) in which to find satisfaction and enjoyment.

Motherlove in infancy and childhood is as important for mental health as are vitamins and proteins for physical health.

At the same time that Bowlby was developing his ideas about human attachment, a number of other researchers began a series of primate experiments to investigate attachment under controlled laboratory conditions, studies that continue to this day. Harry Harlow and fellow researchers at the primate laboratory at the University of Wisconsin carried out perhaps the best known of these experiments (Harlow 1958). Harlow demonstrated that nurturing was more important than sustenance when motherless infant monkeys raised in cages with surrogate mothers made of wire or soft cloth chose to spend the majority of their time with the cloth version despite the wire version having embedded within it a feeding bottle. It is important to stress that these monkeys grew into totally dysfunctional adults who were unable to function in primate society. There is no doubt that these studies reinforced Bowlby’s assertion that bonding was a testable hypothesis.

If Harlow’s work complemented that of Bowlby, it also revealed the inadequacies of the experimental monkeys when they in turn became mothers. These maternally deprived monkeys proved to be either indifferent to their offspring or outright abusive. It is salutary to note that continued research within the field of maternal deprivation using infant monkeys is coming under greater scrutiny and criticism (In Defense of Animals 2002). However, although many now condemn the use of monkeys for the study of maternal deprivation it is sad to reflect that there are children today in many parts of the world who are cared for in suboptimum conditions, often without the benefit of a primary care giver. The situation of the orphanage and hospitalised children in Romania, which became apparent to the outside world only after the overthrow of Nicolae Ceausescu in 1989, is a timely reminder of how appallingly treated children are in some parts of the world, particularly in the aftermath of war (Glasper 1999).

Importantly, Bowlby’s theories have been much criticised by other academic researchers, such as Rutter (1981), who believe that Bowlby’s emphasis on the constant presence of the mother is overexaggerated, and also that other primary caregivers (most notably the father) also had vital roles. Wolkind & Rutter (1985) argued that infants are capable of ‘multiple attachments’, and furthermore that these relationships are not necessarily dependent on the amount of time spent with child, but rather on the quality of the interaction. Nevertheless, the concept of attachment and bonding remains the basis for good practice in the care of infants.


Maternal deprivation


As part of Bowlby’s work to underpin his theory of attachment, he recruited James Robertson as a research associate to record filmed observations of young hospitalised and institutionalised children who had been separated from their mothers. Among these famous films was ‘A two-year-old goes to hospital’, which followed ‘Laura’ through her admission and vividly displayed the adverse effects of maternal separation (Thurtle 1998). Subsequent analysis of these data allowed Bowlby and Robertson to further refine and articulate the stages of separation anxiety that occur during maternal deprivation (Robertson 1970):


Protest: This stage can last from a few hours to a few days. The child has a strong conscious need of the mother and the loud crying exhibited is based on the expectation built on previous experience that the mother will respond to his cries. During this stage of the maternal deprivation sequence the child will cry noisily and look eagerly towards any sound that might be the mother.


Despair: This stage succeeds protest and can best be compared to clinical depression. It is a sign of increasing hopelessness and despondency. The child becomes less active and vocal; in the past this was interpreted by the nursing staff as a sign that the child was settling into the ward.


Denial/detachment: In this the final stage of maternal deprivation the child represses his or her longing for the mother and begins to lose his or her attachment. The child appears, at least superficially, to have settled into the hospital routine and will respond positively, if shallowly, to kind adults who take an interest in him or her. Importantly, the child will react badly to brief reappearances of the mother, as for example during the weekly visiting periods, giving rise to the fallacy that parents actually made matters worse. There is no wonder that generations of children’s nurses dreaded ‘Sunday afternoon visiting’.


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Obtain and view one of the Robertson videos, e.g. ‘A two-year-old goes to hospital’


• How does this scenario compare with your experience today? Clearly there are improvements, but are there any areas of similarity?

Robertson’s films were to play a crucial role in improving the conditions under which children were cared for in hospital. His work fuelled concern among the public, which was instrumental in compelling the government of the day to launch a White Paper, chaired by Sir Harry Platt, to investigate the plight of children in hospital. The seminal report ‘The welfare of children in hospital’ was published in 1959 (Committee of the Central Health Services Council 1959) and it was to fundamentally change practice. Although the Platt report showed the way, subsequent reports began to tackle specific areas of childcare in hospital (Thurtle 1998 p 231 and see Chapter 3).

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Access the companion Chapter 1 PowerPoint presentation and look at the Platt report in full. Does this report still have messages for 21st century children’s nurses?

Much of the credit for innovatory change must be attributed to the National Association for the Welfare of Children in Hospital (NAWCH), which is now called Action for Sick Children (ASC). NAWCH was originally founded in 1961 as Mother Care for Children in Hospital. With the support of James Robertson, this parental pressure group thrived and began to campaign for the full implementation of the Platt report. Soon, regional groups were convened all over the UK, which eventually amalgamated in 1963 and became the NAWCH in 1965 (ASC 2002). It is important to stress that, although the Platt report was adopted as an official Ministry of Health policy, in the same way that subsequent Department of Health publications are, hospitals were not legally obliged to implement the recommendations. The gauntlet fell to NAWCH, which has since campaigned with considerable success as an advocate for sick children and their families.

Many generations of parents have expressed feelings of helplessness and inadequacy during their child’s admission to hospital, when nurses took over care completely. It would be naïve to believe that this situation changed in the immediate aftermath of the publication of the Platt report, as this unhappy state of affairs continued for many years afterwards in some children’s units. However, some children’s hospitals began to respond to the White Paper in a positive way. The essential message of the document was that hospitals should take steps to reduce separation of parent and sick child (initially only mothers). This was to be achieved by introducing open and unrestricted visiting, providing parental accommodation and avoiding unnecessary hospital admissions. This would ultimately result in a move towards day surgery, but this did not happen immediately.


Daycare services


Politicians of all political parties have described the health services for children as a potent investment in the country’s future. Ambulatory care, of which daycare is a central component, provides the minimum of disruption to the family unit, as a result of shorter hospital stays, and is a potentially powerful weapon in the prevention of psychological trauma caused by an inpatient admission. Many hospitals now have purpose-built day units for children. Such units cater for children undergoing minor surgery, medical therapy, investigative procedures or observation (Ireland & Rushforth 1998). Day units function in a variety of ways; some keep patients for a full day before discharge and others only half a day. For day units to run optimally, a paediatric community nursing service is vital to provide an essential link between hospital and home (Atwell & Gow 1985). Without the provision of such services, the management of children undergoing daycare is fraught with difficulties.


Importance of psychological care


Smith (1986) believes that emotional factors might be an even greater source of concern than the child’s physical condition during a hospital admission. Although improvements have occurred since the publication of the Platt report, it is important not to be complacent. The many practical tasks and physical needs required by the child and family can, due to time constraints, all too easily dominate the day. It can therefore be easy to lose sight of the child’s psychological needs. In a seminal quote, Jolly (1976 p 1532) recorded the words of a 6-year-old child:

They looked at my throat and they looked at my ears. They looked at my heart but they didn’t look at me.

Fear of the unknown, fear of physical harm and pain, loss of control and identity, uncertainty about what is expected of them and separation from security and family routine are identified by Visintainer & Wolfer (1975) as five key potential threats to a child on admission to hospital. Anecdotal evidence suggests that, 30 years later, these fears are no less real. Anxiety may be displayed in some by, for example, regressive behaviour, tearful/fearful mood, sleep disturbance or changes to eating pattern. Everyone, to a greater or lesser degree, will have concerns, questions and apprehensions when they are admitted to hospital; a child is no exception. In addition to this, the way in which children interact with the world and attempt to understand and interpret what they see and hear is influenced enormously by their age and stage of development (Piaget & Inhelder 1969 and see Chapter 11).

B9780702031830100050/lquote.jpg is missing PROFESSIONAL CONVERSATION


James, a 15-year-old boy with a learning disability, is being prepared for surgery.

James clearly understood the concept of the faces pain scale, but then added:

That’s all well and good, my physical pain right now is zero but what about a scale on which I can rate my emotions that right now are in a complete scramble? B9780702031830100050/rquote.jpg is missing

In contrast to the well-established practice within paediatric nursing of measuring pain, it is interesting to note, as highlighted by James’ comments, how rarely nurses explicitly seek to ‘measure’ children’s emotional states. A notable exception is seen in the work of Ellerton & Merriman (1994), who used an ‘anxiety faces scale’, similar to the well-established ‘faces’ pain tools, to measure children’s emotional anxiety. However, both scales are vulnerable with regard to their accuracy and it is – arguably – important to consider more objective means of measuring anxiety as well.

The link between physiological change and a person’s psychological status has been recognised and researched (Hyland & Donaldson 1989). One such early study detected changes in urinary excretion in connection with anxiety responses (Wilson 1981). Additionally, seminal work by Brain & Maclay (1968) showed a higher incidence of complications, such as infection and haemorrhage, in a control group whose mothers were not resident during a child’s stay compared with an experimental group whose parents were present. These studies support the fact that disease and illness are not purely a biological phenomenon. However, contemporary research tends to measure anxiety more by behavioural change and attitudinal scales; unfortunately there is a paucity of recent work exploring the physiological manifestations of anxiety.


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Ollie is 7 years old and his mother is concerned that he is having lots of time off school with frequent sore throats. She arranges for Ollie to be seen by her local family practitioner, who refers him to the local outpatient department.


Preparing children for a hospital admission


On the premise that emotional needs might be as great, if not greater, than a child’s physical needs during a hospital admission, a number of different strategies have been developed to help children and their families cope with hospital admission.

Family preparation for day and inpatient surgery is thought to be important in reducing the psychological effects of hospitalisation. Modern child healthcare services require integration between hospital and community. The service should provide for the child as a whole and should meet the social, emotional, spiritual needs of children and their families as well as their physical needs. The growth of paediatric preadmission programmes throughout the UK represents one facet only of this integrated service. Since the publication of the Platt report, paediatric nurses have developed a reputation for endeavouring to improve the care of their patients and families. Attempting to protect children from the stresses of hospital admission may be partially facilitated through the provision of preadmission programmes. Although the evidence base for the efficacy of these programmes has yet to be firmly established, the Commission for Health Audit and Inspection (CHAI, formerly CHI) has developed an audit tool for NHS Trusts to use to measure compliance to the standards of hospital services developed under the auspices of the National Service Framework for Children. One of the paediatric benchmarks that CHAI will audit is related to preparation, and preadmission clubs are specifically cited as examples of best practice.

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Access the companion PowerPoint presentation to see slides of these dolls.


• Use the pattern to make a calico doll yourself.


Preparation programmes


Preadmission preparation programmes offer the child and family the opportunity to visit the hospital to be familiarised with the environment and personnel. At the same time, practical issues can be discussed and the child and family informed about anticipated specific events (Gaughan & Sweeney 1997). Such programmes are conducted either in outpatient departments, when children come in with the family for initial consultation, or in the main hospital at a set time, usually a week before admission. The changes found historically in children’s behaviour after hospitalisation underpins the growth of such formal preadmission programmes. A study by Fassler (1980) indicates that a combination of emotional support and information appertaining to the admission appears to be an effective method of reducing preoperative anxiety. Keeton (1999) noted that children who had attended a preparation day settled more quickly in their surroundings and were more relaxed and happy than those who had not. Current work by Keeton is exploring whether preadmission programmes reduce stress and anxiety of family responses at anaesthetic induction in children undergoing day surgery.

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Access the companion PowerPoint presentation and follow the preadmission programme slides.


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Following Ollie’s outpatient appointment, the ENT surgeon has indicated that he requires a tonsillectomy. He is scheduled for surgery within the next 3 months. Before his admission, he and his family receive an invitation to attend the preadmission programme.

The most common type of programme in the UK is conducted in hospital, often at weekends. One of the first preadmission programmes in the UK was developed at the Queen’s Medical Centre in Nottingham in 1982. The format established at Nottingham has been emulated in a number of other children’s units. Invitations to the programmes are posted to patients with all the other information prior to admission. The programmes often consist of a PowerPoint or video/DVD presentation followed by a visit to the ward/unit to which the child will be admitted. Additionally, children and their carers may have the opportunity of visiting the anaesthetic room, where they can see first hand where they will receive their anaesthetic and – importantly – be reassured that their parent/carer will be allowed to go with them on the day. Therapeutic play programmes and biscuits and juice for the children usually complete the morning’s programme. While the children are playing, the parents have coffee and time for ‘question and answer’, and conversation with other parents, which can yield invaluable peer support. Many children’s units give the children a play-pack at the end of the programme consisting of a paper theatre hat, paints, name band, mask and badge, plus a cotton theatre gown which parents are asked to return on admission. Many members of theatre staff participate enthusiastically in preadmission programmes with positive effect (Bonner 1986). The role of the skilled play specialist is another essential element of preadmission preparation, but not to the exclusion of the skilled paediatric nurse. A major benefit of the programmes is that they facilitate interaction between hospital staff and parents/carers, who are encouraged to ask programme workers about their child’s admission.

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Ollie’s family is in a position to attend the preadmission programme and join other children one Saturday, 2 weeks before admission

The contents of such programmes are developed primarily from professional values and beliefs together with parental opinions, obtained by means of interviews and questionnaires (Gaughan and Sweeney, 1997 and Glasper and Stradling, 1989). There is invaluable information to be learned by asking and involving the children about their feelings, beliefs and needs, a perspective endorsed by the recently published National Service Framework for Children (DoH 2003). The Commission of Patient and Public Involvement in Health (CPPIH), created in January 2003, will undoubtedly also encourage this.

Fradd (1986) argues that preadmission programmes are an ‘undoubted success’. However, not all claims of success can be supported by documentary evidence. Although the principles of such programmes may be seen as positive, one needs to look closely at their content, structure and mode of delivery (Murphy-Taylor 1999). Communication is crucial for effective psychological care and may be considered as the key to its achievement. For example:


• What to say?


• What not to say?


• How to say it?


• When to say it?


• Who should say it?


• Where it should be said?

One significant issue in this respect is that preadmission preparation programmes appear to attempt to teach children of various ages and cultures via a common group programme, thus not allowing or acknowledging individuality, cognitive ability, existing knowledge or previous experience. Such limitations have been recognised by Eiser (1988) and Saile et al (1988). Many misconceptions and fantasies may occur if not handled appropriately by a skilled practitioner. Other limitations include the length of time between preparation programme and actual admission. It could be argued that during the gap between the preparation programme and admission, the child will forget the information or have too much time to worry and panic.

Ward visits offer the opportunity for each child and family to meet, on a one-to-one basis, the staff who will nurse them, and presert an excellent chance to offer personalised, individual preparation; a situation many ward staff make good use of. If, however, a tour of the clinical area is not an appropriately prearranged part of the preadmission programme, families might arrive on the ward unexpectedly. They may be exposed to a busy, noisy atmosphere with people rushing back and forth, seeing other children with beeping monitors attached and ‘tubes sticking out of them’. They may be kept waiting while an appropriate member of staff is found to welcome them. The parents in particular may feel uncomfortable in this situation ‘taking the nurse away from urgent duties’ (Taylor 1991). Although this may be a reality to which they will be exposed in the future, it is not an ideal first impression.

It is noted, though not always clearly highlighted, that – relatively speaking – a minority of children admitted to hospital attend preparation programmes (Gaughan & Sweeney 1997). This could be for a number of reasons. Parents might not be able to spare an extra day from work or family commitment and finances for transport may be limited. Their own beliefs that such preparation is either unnecessary (particularly if their child has been admitted before), or that it could increase their or their child’s fear may also prevent them from attending. Interestingly, more under-5s are admitted to hospital than any other age group (Atwell 1997), yet they are not always included in preparation visits (Ellerton & Merriman 1994). Consideration too is needed for those children admitted as an emergency. Thus it is necessary that health professionals look at alternative methods of preparation both prior to and during the admission.


Can the positive impact of preparation be measured in children?


Measuring levels of distress in children can be achieved by using special rating scales. Rice et al (2008) have discussed the use of the Yale Preoperative Anxiety Scale in measuring differences in groups of children attending for day case surgery, some of which had previously attended a preadmission ‘Saturday morning club’. They were able to show that attendance at the preadmission programme had a favourable effect on patient anxiety levels, the day ward, the theatre waiting room and the anaesthetic room.


Further key issues in preparation



Play


Children learn through play; it is a natural part of life. Time set aside to play gives the child an ideal opportunity to find out about their hospital experience. In doing so their fears may be allayed and their abilities to cope enhanced. Webster (2000) refers to key policy documents, namely ASC (2000) and the Children Act (DoH 1989), and identifies the recognition in these documents that play preparation allows the child an age-appropriate opportunity to be involved in decisions that are to affect their lives. A knowledge of how children may perceive their internal anatomy, coupled with an understanding of children’s cognitive development is clearly essential before embarking on any preparation programme (see Chapter 11). Each child’s needs will be unique.

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List a selection of distraction methods and the age groups and situations where they might be appropriate.

There may be different classifications of different types of play. In a helpful paper, Mathison & Butterworth (2001) suggest that play be divided into three types – educative, normative and therapeutic:


• The essence of educative play is to give information. This may be in the form of personal letters to the child, indicating in a child-centred way what to bring to hospital. It also includes use of books, pictures and diagram for parents and children to read together to learn more about their hospital admission.


Normative play is ‘everyday’ play that is offered within the hospital environment to bridge the gap between home and hospital. It offers comfort and security, a sense of familiarity and normality. Frustrations and fears may also be expressed, thus helping the child to gain a feeling of control and confidence in his/her new and potentially threatening environment. It is important to consider that due to their illness and potentially alien environment, the child may need permission, encouragement and assistance to play.


Therapeutic play centres on what the child is about to actually experience or has previously experienced, and uses play to convey information both from the child to the carer, and from the carer to the child (see also Chapter 13). In respect of preparation, when discussing certain procedures involving parts of the anatomy with younger children (especially if they cannot see, hear or touch the relevant part) it is necessary to use things the children can see, hear, touch and relate to concretely, for example anatomical dolls.

Jun 15, 2016 | Posted by in NURSING | Comments Off on The psychological preparation of children for hospitalisation

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