Introduction
When asking nurses why they have chosen nursing as a profession, responses such as ‘I wanted to work with people’ or ‘I wanted to do some good’ are often given. These kinds of replies are in our experience more common than a response such as: ‘I was fascinated by nursing science’. Although reasons for human action are complex and seldom arise from one cause only, there would appear to be a strong ‘people-centredness’ in the personality profile of most people who enter nursing courses and who remain in nursing practice.
Candidates applying for places on a nursing programme often explain their career choice as being because they liked people. Other candidates argue it was because nursing is a ‘good job’ rather than a vocation. Often such candidates resent patients who see them in a vocational light, referring to them as ‘angels’ (Smith 1992). Over the last 20 years nursing programmes have changed considerably, but reasons for choosing nursing as a career have not, although, for many, studying at university has an added attraction or because they see themselves joining a profession (Smith et al 2005). Most applicants choose nursing because they believe they want to work with people or they feel the need ‘to do some good’. Doing nursing and being a nurse are different facets of the same role. Engaging with people in their most vulnerable moments and with those who are disturbed, mentally or physically, and being able to respond in a sensitive and therapeutic manner are things that all nursing students need to learn if they are to be effective practitioners. However, these are also probably the most challenging aspects of learning to nurse. By drawing on examples taken from research into nurses’ professional development, this chapter provides some guidelines about how to go about developing the skills of people-centredness whilst maintaining your personal integrity and humanity.
Becoming a nurse
Earlier chapters in this book demonstrate that learning to become a nurse means balancing life between being a student in a university and being a member of a clinical team. Some of the images on recruitment posters are concerned with ‘the price of nursing’ (seen on a 2005 recruitment poster), the answer in the poster being ‘£20000 a year starting salary and a university qualification’. Would this be the message that attracted you to nursing? Other images are related to the idea of nursing being a vocation. An explicit example of this was a recruitment poster in the early 1990s, which asked the question ‘Do the financial rewards match the emotional ones?’ The answer (unlike the 2005 poster described above) gave a mixed message, on the one hand reassuring prospective nurses that, although they were unlikely to be attracted to the job for the money, they could expect emotional rewards as well as financial ones. The conclusion here was that the emotional rewards came as an added extra for working in one of the most ‘emotionally satisfying careers’ (Smith 1992, p 11). Even earlier images of nurses described the nurse as a ‘young lady’ or a ‘good woman’, and Nightingale’s descendants were identified as vocationally motivated, obedient and subservient to both medical and nursing superiors (Smith 1992, p 21). This image is exemplified in early extracts from the Nursing Times (see Box 3.1).
Box 3.1
Letters relating to nurses in the British nursing press
[Anonymous] 1905 An open letter to a nurse by a matron. Nursing Times 6 May:42
But of character building and the primal necessity for the fundamental virtues I say little on lecture nights, for of this each must know for herself the various graces that make for perfect, wholesome womanhood …
Comment: The perfect woman is equated with the perfect nurse …
[Anonymous] 1905 An open letter to a matron from two nurses. Nursing Times 17 June:114–115
Discipline is the very salt of training. It is the enthusiast only who dares to think kindness, courtesy and discipline may be combined … most young girls are ready enough to give the gifts matrons demand from probationers: respect, reverence, kindness (or love) and loyalty …
[Anonymous] 1911 Discipline and nursing by an ex-matron. Nursing Times 6 May:432
Discipline aims at the removal of bad habits and the substitution of good ones, especially those of order, regularity and obedience … I have always had nurses who could be ruled by love … but, I always had some of the other kind – those in whom the compelling force of love was far from sufficient to keep them in the straight line of duty … They proved in various ways that they were true daughters of Eve …
Comment: Just as the ‘good woman’ is equivalent to the ‘good nurse’, the ‘bad nurse’ is a ‘daughter of Eve’ and far from perfect …
These early letters from the Nursing Times illustrate the emphasis on emotion in the ideal type of the ‘reformed’ nurse in the early 20th century. It would seem clear that the desirable nurse was also the ideal woman. Her virtues were womanly – kindness, even ‘love’ – as well as loyalty and obedience. It is interesting to note that ideally nurses should be socialized into the role through ‘love’, although in most cases ‘discipline’ was also necessary.
One hundred years later this image of a nurse is clearly outdated, but you might like to critically reflect on the extent to which this is still the case. Some may believe that subservience is no longer advocated, although ‘vocational motivation’ has perhaps been too easily discarded, often being viewed as an emotional tool used by management to make nurses work for low salaries; see Abel-Smith (1960) and Davies (1980) for further discussion on this topic.
Pause to ponder
What first attracted you to being a nurse? Was it recruitment posters, adverts or television programmes such as ER and Casualty? Or was nursing something that you thought would give you both a university education and skills that would increase your chances of future employment?
In a recent evaluation of part-time nursing programmes, it was found that students attracted to these programmes were described as ‘non-traditional’. The students were also very clear that they were attracted to nursing as a profession rather than as an academic career (Smith et al 2005). By ‘non-traditional’ the researchers meant that the ‘typical’ student was older than the 18-year-olds of Smith’s earlier study. Often, 21st century nursing students were found to be female, with at least one child, and individuals who had already done a variety of jobs, often as a health care assistant. How does this profile relate to your own?
To some extent, the student’s profile was reflected in the literature. One such study described the ‘non-traditional’ student as over 25, male, having English as a second language, belonging to an ethnic or racial minority and having dependent children (Jeffreys 1998). Given that nursing is predominantly a female profession, this is a significant change.
Students from a lower socioeconomic group (i.e. typically described as ‘working class’) have also been considered as ‘non-traditional’ for a variety of reasons, some being that they may be at a disadvantage in terms of understanding the ‘culture’ of higher education and are also more likely to struggle financially. Additional criteria include being a commuter (Bean and Metzner 1985) and having domestic responsibilities other than children/spouse (e.g. being a carer for a parent). The important factor here is that the so-called ‘non-traditional’ student has responsibilities outside of the programme.
Can you identify with any of these factors? Certainly any or all of these characteristics may add to the emotional demands of being a nurse. On the positive side they may also assist students to understand some of the concerns faced by patients and their families.
In Chapter 1, Spouse aptly portrays the position of new nursing students. She stresses the need for ‘selflessness’ and academic ability, also pointing to the mixture of ‘anticipation and trepidation’ with which new students approach their chosen career path in terms of academic requirements, clinical skills and emotional input, and the mixture of emotions experienced by the new student nurse.
Another group who need to be considered here, from the perspective of both patients and staff, are internationally recruited nurses, who add to the multicultural, ethnically mixed background within which NHS nurses work. In 2003/04, for example, nearly half the new nursing registrants with the Nursing and Midwifery Council were nurses who had trained overseas. A study in which the experiences of overseas recruits are explored revealed that they reported having a hard time feeling accepted within British culture, either at home or at work (Allan and Larsen 2003). When it comes to emotional labour, there were heavy demands placed on overseas staff to conform and often they felt that their motivations, abilities, knowledge and skills were either misunderstood or went unrecognized and unrewarded. As new student nurses, they also found themselves on a ‘roller coaster’ of emotions.
Learning to become a professional
Concepts of professionalism in nursing
Professionalism, especially as it applies to those areas of service work, where women traditionally are more numerous than men, has tended to emphasize altruism more than professional control through statutory means and the protection of a body of knowledge, claimed as ‘unique’ to the particular profession. Lorentzon (1990) developed a concept named ‘feminine professionalism’, components of which are similar to emotional labour in that ‘self-giving’ is emphasized over power-seeking, within an altruistic model, which was traditionally described as ‘vocational’ in nursing. The term ‘vocational’ is now more frequently used to denote a ‘practical’ rather than ‘academic’ qualification and is less frequently applied to qualified nurses. Lorentzon (1990) points to gender-typing of altruistic service which is more frequently associated with female biology, and women’s choice of occupation was traditionally seen to be influenced by such biological factors. Such gender stereotypes of women as ‘natural’ carers have been challenged by feminist thinkers.
This female model of nurturing fits well with the functions of what were described as ‘semi-professions’ (Etzioni 1969). These included occupations such as nursing, social work and school teaching; that is, less influential groups than the traditional professions such as medicine and law, which have tended to be dominated by a majority of male members. Lorentzon argues that the former ‘semi-professional’ workers might more positively be described as practising ‘feminine professionalism’, with a strong emphasis on altruistic service. Both women and men could exercise this function, as it would denote an ‘ideal type’ (Weber in Runciman 1978), rather being necessarily linked to being biologically female or male. The person-centredness of this mode of giving professional service clearly resonates with current conceptions of emotional labour.
Analysis of data from probationer registers during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, maintained in both voluntary hospitals and poor law infirmaries, revealed that the most commonly occurring description of probationers was ‘kind’. This was related specifically to interaction with patients (Lorentzon, 2000Lorentzon, 2001 and Lorentzon, 2003). At best, the nurse operating in the Nightingale style was genuinely patient-centred in terms of general kindness. However, in-depth communication with patients, relatives and colleagues was discouraged if such activity interfered with the practical running of the wards and availability for immediate response to the commands of doctors and senior nurses. It was also feared that an overly friendly nurse might be conducting herself inappropriately, and so fraternizing with patients (as it was interpreted) was forbidden (Maggs 1981).
Nursing or medical tours of the patients (the rounds) were often conducted in a perfunctory manner and from the bottom of the patients’ beds, denoting that doctors and nurses were very busy people. It might be argued that such ‘guarding’, which protected nurses from the real feelings of patients, avoided having to do too much emotional labour. In the 21st century health service, patients are in and out of hospital much more quickly than they were 20 years ago and so their opportunity to get to know their nurses occurs less frequently. However, this is counterbalanced in primary health care settings, where the same team of nurses may look after certain patients and their families for many years. With increased understanding, health professionals and nurses in particular are much more inclined to value ‘quality time’ with patients and relatives.
The hidden curriculum of nursing
You may not be familiar with the term ‘hidden curriculum’. This refers to the informal learning that is not included in any written programme specification but is nevertheless taught. The hidden curriculum is often concerned with attitudes, values and beliefs that are expressed by the people with whom students come into contact, the environment they learn in and the manner in which the programme is delivered. It is called the hidden curriculum simply because it is difficult to articulate, and ‘teachers’ (who will be practice staff as well as lecturers) may not even be aware that they are teaching a newcomer these attitudes and values. The attitudes that are conveyed through this hidden curriculum are often about nurses and nursing or patients and patient care and are communicated in subtle and often subliminal ways. The hidden curriculum may be taught through everyday encounters with academic staff, personal tutors and other students. It may be more subtle, for example the quality of the furnishings of the classrooms and the available resources, which communicate the extent to which the students and the programmes are valued by the university. But it is not only through university-based activities that you will be exposed to the hidden curriculum. It is often what nursing students learn in their practice placements that has the most impact, and they learn this through watching and listening to other nurses undertaking their daily activities, seeing them interact with patients and their carers, seeing how other health care professionals interact with nurses and how nurses interact with each other. It is these learning experiences that provide the most enduring influence on newcomers, as Mark’s experiences illustrate (Case history 3.1).
Case history 3.1
Mark is a first-year nursing student on placement in the community with a first-year medical student (Annette). The aim of this placement is to develop an appreciation of the role of community care staff and to understand how different families understand health and healthy living. This morning they have been visiting their family with the health visitor (Maisie) and are discussing their experiences in the debriefing seminar.
Mark: I was quite shocked at how such a young family can have a normal lifestyle living in a caravan. They did have running water and electricity, as well as proper sanitation, but the caravan itself was damp and that cannot be good for a baby. It must be such a struggle for the Mum, with her being only 19.
Annette: Yes, I was shocked as well, as I had never imagined people trying to live under such conditions; it makes you realize how privileged you are. I was particularly impressed by the health visitor. Clearly she has a good relationship with the mother and she seems to almost treat her as a mum. With the baby being 9 months now, they have had a chance to get to know each other.
Mark: Yes, I was struck at how friendly the relationship seemed between the mother and Maisie. Maisie seemed to know a huge amount about the family and clearly saw them frequently, which must be quite hard work for her as the caravan park is quite difficult to get to.
Annette: Yes, and that must make it difficult for the mum to get her shopping or to have any social contact. She must feel very isolated living there, which must be hard with a young baby.
From their brief conversation, you can begin to see that these two students have learned quite a lot that was part of the curriculum (e.g. seeing how people from different income groups live and manage). What perhaps was more implicit, or part of the hidden curriculum, was the relationship that was being developed by the two students from different professional groups through having the opportunity to share experiences and perspectives. They also had an opportunity to see how an experienced professional works collaboratively with her clients and is able to develop an effective professional relationship, and that that relationship is a long-term one. The kind of work the health visitor was undertaking was the emotional labour of developing a strong and supportive relationship so that she could befriend the young mother and her baby and thus reduce the likelihood of them encountering serious difficulties despite living under challenging circumstances.
Professional work as emotional work
Nursing work inevitably involves the emotions. Mark and Annette (Case history 3.1) were possibly quite affected by the experience of visiting this young mother in her poor housing conditions and social isolation. Working as a nurse involves a whole range of emotions. Such emotions experienced by nurses was powerfully portrayed in the research by Lesley Mackay in her book ‘Nursing a Problem’ (Mackay 1989). Mackay described nursing in the late 1980s as being ‘in crisis’, due to poor recruitment and retention rates, low pay and unsatisfactory conditions of work. Yet many of the nurses she interviewed expressed love for nursing work in spite of problems identified. In the extracts from interviews with clinical nurses given in Box 3.2, strong job satisfaction is expressed, although some nurses clearly had a sense of being both exploited and misunderstood.
Box 3.2
Extracts from interviews with clinical nurses (from Mackay 1989)
The patients … on a good day when they respond. After two years and they get your name right, it’s fantastic … They all ate with spoons in here when I came on in the beginning of January and now they all use a knife and fork.
(Staff nurse)
I enjoy it, sometimes I’m fed up, but on the whole when you nurse somebody, especially down here when they are really ill and then you see them when they are getting better and then they go on to the ward and they come down to see us before they go home, really well, it’s good.
(Staff nurse)
It’s just the patients, I love the patients. It’s not that I feel … I don’t feel sorry of them, I don’t feel I’m here to change their lives. Just to be here to make things a bit easier, a bit more comfortable.
(Enrolled nurse)
I feel it’s something worthwhile that you are doing. And you do get rewards, hopefully seeing patients get well and going home or make the death as easy as possible. I feel that it is something worthwhile.
(Sister)
Although patients rate highly the attentions and kindnesses of nurses, calling them ‘angels’, the status accorded to nurses falls short of that accorded to members of the medical profession. Of course, at the same time nurses are seen, because they are women, as simply doing what comes naturally to them.
Despite the mixed emotions reported by the research participants of Mackay (Box 3.2), they appear to have derived considerable job satisfaction from having contributed to their patients’ recovery or to their peaceful death and from the human relationships, expressed as ‘love’ by one respondent. This notion of nursing being a labour of love reflects work by writers such as Campbell (1984) and Jourard (1971), who both argue that, to be truly effective, people working in caring professions need to undertake their work in a loving manner. Jourard (1971) argues that it is only through self-knowledge and a willingness to be open and honest can practitioners become therapeutic. Campbell (1984) builds this argument further by advocating ‘skilled companionship’ as a means of ‘working with’ and ‘being with’ clients or patients as they progress through ‘their own journey’ towards recovery or death. He argues that skilled companionship is expressed through sensitivity to the person’s needs and a willingness to engage with these, whilst retaining objectivity and professional boundaries. Rawnsley (1980) suggests that, in order to relate to others at an emotional level, practitioners need to grasp the mystery of the human condition.
Emotional labour and feeling rules
Emotional labour is often described as a form of being present with patients at a psychological and emotional level that responds to their human condition. Smith & Gray (2001a) draw on Hochschild’s (1983) work to use the term ‘emotional labour’ to describe the intimate nature of care that draws on emotional work, and, along with Aldridge (1994), recognize that therapeutic relationships of this nature can be stressful and that practitioners as well as students need structures and processes designed to help and protect them from the consequences of engaging in emotional labour. Similarly, Graham (1983), in an account of women’s work, describes caring as both labour and love, caring for and caring about another person, doing and feeling. Although Graham’s work is focused on women’s work, it is not intended to exclude men, and the number of men in caring activities and in nursing is significant. The traditional view that nursing is essentially ‘female’, and to a great extent an extension of mothering, has now been revised, not least because it makes little sense to male students (Lorentzon 2004). This oversimplistic notion, that ‘maternal’ equals nurturing, without acknowledgement of similar behaviour by men, and that all women actually have such an ‘instinct’, has been seriously revised. There is clear awareness that, while most candidates for nurse education are likely to be persons of good will who want to work with people, specific techniques and behaviours may need to be learnt. Following earlier research on ‘feminine professionalism’ (Lorentzon 1990), one of the authors is now aware that this concept resonates with ‘emotional labour’ as described by Hochschild (1983) and Smith (1992). Both of these concepts can be seen as pointing to the connection between emotions and clinical care and as an essential part of professionalism. Perhaps the most important element of learning to provide emotional care is dependent on finding suitable role models. For many students, their first role models are familiar caring figures such as ‘mother’ or ‘parent’. As students progressed through their 3-year education, their perspectives were found to mature, and the roles of staff, lecturers and clinical leaders were mentioned more frequently as helping to develop the student nurse’s view of emotional labour and the job of nursing (Smith & Gray 2000). Case history 3.2 is an example of how one student, whom we have called Sally, developed her understanding of how to provide emotional support (try Activity 3.1).
Case history 3.2
When I first started on the ward I was nervous and really did not know what patients wanted from me. I was quite nervous about spending time on my own with any one patient in case they asked me something I could not answer. In one of my earlier placements, I was upset at how indifferent the nurses seemed when a patient was suffering or had died. But later I realized they were just bottling up their feelings because they had to get on with the work. They could not afford to go and hide in the office while they let go of their feelings.
Learning how to cope with these situations was by watching what my mentor did in such cases, or watching another staff member whom I thought of as a good nurse. I would notice how they answered some questions and not others. I also drew on my memories of how my parents dealt with similar incidents. Gradually I got the hang of feeling my way into the patient’s question, so rather than make a quick response I would explore what their question was really about. Sometimes I realized they really had the answer; they just wanted a different one or to have their own views confirmed.
Activity 3.1
Sally’s account (Case history 3.2) reflects the experiences of many new nursing students. So, as you read the account, consider whether it relates to any of your own experiences, and, if it does, whether it influences your perspective of emotional labour. How does this relate to your own learning needs?
Emotional labour and professionalism: theoretical perspectives
Over the past 30 years the volume of research into and about nursing has increased significantly and has provided a basis for our understanding of nursing. Many studies have focused on the education and practice of nurses and the impact this has had on patient care. Working in the 1980s, Smith began her study with the question ‘How do student nurses learn to care?’ She very quickly discovered that the emotional style of the ward sister or charge nurse who managed the ward was crucial not only to how the students learnt to care but also to the quality of care that they were able to give to patients. In turn, patients judged the quality of care by the emotional style in which it was given.
A theoretical framework for emotional labour
Emotional labour was first described by the sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild, who produced a key text on the emotion debate in service occupations (The managed heart: the commercialization of human feeling, 1983, 2003). In Hochschild’s book, which is based on research involving flight attendants employed by a United States airline and research on individuals involved in debt-collecting, she describes the ‘uncosted’ labour related to dealing with positive or negative emotions when fulfilling the requirements of a role. Using the term ‘feeling rules’, Hochschild described emotional labour as when actors manage to balance actions with feelings that are genuine, and feelings and actions that are insincere but required in order to fulfil the role demanded by the job. The key factor is that the audience or the recipient believes in the actions and the sincerity of the feelings. Being congruent in action and feeling can be hard. If the individuals displaying such feelings are unable to reconcile the emotional content of such feelings, they experience dissonance and strain or self-destruction. As a result, actors develop coping strategies that can lead to what is known as ‘emotional burn-out’.
Hochschild’s concept of ‘feeling rules’ illustrates the different levels of depth at which an actor or an employee may be required to identify with the role set by employers (see Box 3.3). She talks in this context of deep acting and surface acting. In deep acting, the employee learns to really feel the emotions of the customer or client, whereas surface acting is more superficial and allows the employee to feign the feeling. A most obvious example of surface acting is in the culture of fast food restaurants where almost every assistant wishes you to ‘have a nice day’.
Box 3.3
Feeling rules of emotional labour
• Actors manage to make actions congruent with personal feelings.
• Feelings and actions may not be congruent but the actions are necessary to fulfil the role demanded by the job.
• The audience or the recipient of the interaction believes the feelings and associated actions are congruent.
• Congruence between action and feeling is often difficult for the actor.
• If the actor displays feelings that create conflict with their emotional content, they will experience dissonance and strain or self-destruction.
• The actor either develops coping strategies or will suffer emotional burn-out.
Hochschild draws her examples from the commercial world, hence her reference to ‘commercialization’ of an image that sells flight tickets or pays bills. In fact, for most of us it is the manner in which a service is delivered by the employee that is attractive. Many of us, especially those who are nervous of flying, value the ‘smiling courteous attention’ of flight attendants, or the helpful friendly shop assistant or waiter. These service roles may be cynically dismissed resulting in under valuing the expertise required to wait at table; giving a service rather than being servile. Indeed, much of nursing in the past can be viewed in similar terms. Yet, all these expert service providers, including nurses and flight attendants, know that they are ‘adding value’ to what, superficially, appears to be mundane, practical tasks. Using the concept of ‘emotional labour’ to understand the interpersonal processes that are vital to successful delivery of a service, including nursing care, helps us to appreciate how important a supportive environment must be. Creating this kind of environment in a health care setting can best be achieved through the influence and management style of clinical managers. Smith & Gray (2000) found that values of supportiveness and warmth underpin effective nurse–patient relationships and thus expose nurses to the same kinds of emotional labour that Hochschild described.
Hochschild compared the warmth of the airline hostess with that of debt collectors, who managed the unpleasantness of their jobs, and thus their emotional labour, by maintaining a hierarchical and distant relationship with the debtors. Thus they were able to instil fear and thus compliance on the part of debtors, ensuring compliance in repaying debts. This relationship Smith (1992) equated with traditional ward sisters and their students and which made working in an emotionally supportive way with patients very difficult. Smith’s study indicated that, when students and staff nurses felt appreciated and supported emotionally by the ward sisters, they not only had a role model for emotionally explicit patient care but they also felt able to care for patients in this way. According to both Hochschild and Smith, emotional labour needs to be factored into the equation of nursing. The argument can be made that the actual work expanded into ‘absorbing’ and ‘defusing’ the positive and negative feelings of the ‘recipients of care’ are provided as part of the overall quality of service. The emotional cost to the service providers may be personally significant and cannot easily be assessed in financial terms.
Having a clearly identifiable way of describing the emotional work that makes caring more likely to be successful provides an analytical device that helps us to distinguish the different occupational groups and the kinds of emotion work they entail. In general, there are relatively few studies, but those of medical students (Smith III & Kleineman 1989) and of nurses working in a variety of clinical contexts, such as bone marrow transplant for cancer (Kelly et al 2000), palliative care (James, 1989 and James, 1993, Kelly et al 2000) and gynaecology care (Bolton 2000), provide a firmer basis for describing what emotional work entails and this enables it to be recognized.
Learning the feeling rules
Hochschild points to the obvious fact that, ‘even when people are paid to be nice, it is hard for them to be nice all the time’ (Hochschild 2003, p 118). Therefore, a set of ‘feeling rules’ must be learnt and applied in order to manage the ‘emotional load’ that each day brings. How helpful do you find the following observations that nurses are expected to be ‘nice’ at all costs and that it is possible to learn a set of ‘feeling rules’ to manage these difficult situations through a process of ‘transmutation’ of feelings as described by Hochschild below?
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