Descriptions of masculinity and femininity are associated with stereotypical images of males and females. These can be seen in films, cartoons and popular magazines and although they can be the butt of jokes, they can also be ideals or sources of aspiration. It could be argued that these stereotypes are outdated and that being masculine today encompasses the more feminine caring characteristics of the so-called ‘new man’ (although it could also be argued that the ‘new man’ is a myth and traditional gender differences and inequalities still exist). Similarly, the experience of being a woman has changed as many women take on paid employment, altering the traditional family life (Giddens 2005). Whatever the case, images of masculinity and femininity influence people in their day-to-day lives through their choice of jobs, the clothes they wear and the types of interests they develop.

The sexual response in men and women is controlled by complex interactions between the central nervous system, the peripheral nervous system, neurotransmitters, hormones and the circulatory system (Engenderhealth 2005). It has five stages:

By learning from others and society, we acquire an understanding of what is ‘normal’. However, this process may lead to prejudicial attitudes towards individuals or groups. Norms are socially acceptable behaviours that help to define what is ‘right’ in society. Nevertheless, society is made up of a number of sub-groups which may have different norms of sexual behaviour, and these are a potential source of conflict. For example the norms of sexual behaviour held by the youth culture could be very different from those held by parents or by professionals. There is a possibility that parents, teachers, doctors and nurses will see their own ‘standards’ as right and begin to impose them on those who they feel they are responsible for. For nurses working in the area of sexual health promotion with teenagers this creates an ethical problem. Should they try and persuade young teenagers not to have sex or should they accept this as a fact and offer advice on safer sex? The former might frighten the teenager off and prevent them using services or seeking help. The latter might expose the teenager to a range of physical and psychological risks.

There are also inequalities in the way that norms are applied to groups within society. Certain behaviours may be viewed as acceptable for men but not for women, or acceptable for adults but not for teenagers. Similarly attitudes towards a stable heterosexual couple may differ from that towards a stable homosexual couple.

Because of its sensitive nature, investigating sexual behaviour has been particularly challenging for researchers. For example, the National Survey on Sexual Behaviour in Britain (Wellings et al 1994) had a difficult start because the Department of Health withdrew its backing at the last minute and researchers had to find alternative support. The impetus for the work came from the need to find out more about the relationship between sexual practices and the spread of HIV and AIDS, but the political sensitivity of the subject meant that the researchers had problems in starting. This is very similar to the experiences of Kinsey in the USA (Kinsey et al 1948) and Lanval (1950) in Belgium, who both suffered in their attempts to discover more about sexual behaviour. Their research was condemned as pornographic and unworthy of academic attention. Despite these problems Kinsey persisted, and interviewed over 10 000 people on what sexual practices were common. It was apparent from the findings that the incidence of homosexuality, masturbation and premarital intercourse, and the active role of women in sexuality, differed from the social norms of the time, and this caused considerable political disquiet (Gagnon & Simon 2005).

Returning to Wellings et al (1994), who published one of the most extensive studies on sexual behaviour in Britain: as it focused on how the spread of HIV might be related to certain sexual practices it concentrated on issues like unprotected sex, numbers of partners and types of activities involving risks, although because of its quantitative nature it tells little about the meaning of sexual experiences to individuals. It does, however, give details of who does what with whom, at what age and how often, and relates these sorts of things to class and educational level. One major drawbacks was its failure to include people over 60 years of age. This perhaps reflects the commonly held view that ‘older people don’t do that sort of thing’.

See Evolve 16.2 for more information on this research.

Though similar to Wellings et al (1994), the National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (Johnson et al 2001) was limited by only including people between 16 and 44. This excluded a small group of young teenagers and a very large group of people aged 45 and above. (See Evolve 16.3 material for more detailed findings.)

Surveys on sexual behaviour are fraught with problems because of the sensitive nature of the topic. Findings from such surveys must be treated with caution because their accuracy and reliability may be influenced by individuals’ honesty and openness in their responses. Nevertheless, this kind of research provides important information.