CHAPTER 8 Management of chronic pain
When you have completed this chapter you will be able to:
INTRODUCTION
Chronic pain is suffered by a significant number of people from all age groups. Most of these people manage the pain themselves in a range of positive and sometimes negative ways—they take analgesics and remedies and modify their lifestyles to accommodate changes that may accrue in elements of life such as function and affect. People who suffer from chronic pain classically refer themselves to general practitioners who now act as agents for a broad range of conventional and complementary specialists to manage chronic pain. The majority of nurses become involved in the care of people with chronic pain when it affects function or psychological wellbeing to such an extent that independence in activities of living (Roper et al, 2000) or self-care needs (Orem, 2001) are adversely affected. These nurses take a supportive and educative role to enable people with chronic pain to recognise positive strategies that ameliorate their state of pain and maximise their independence.
CHRONIC PAIN DEFINED
Chronic pain has been identified as an independent entity, rather than a symptom, for a relatively short period of time. Until the middle of the 20th century, chronic pain was thought to be acute pain that did not resolve or was psychosomatic in origin. Over the intervening half century, research by physicians and neuroscientists has altered this view of chronic pain. In 1986, the International Association for the Study of Pain (IASP, 1994) defined chronic pain as
Chronic pain is the same as persistent pain. Chronic malignant pain is chronic pain that is progressive. It is expected to increase in intensity or duration, or both. It is usually due to the effects of cancers, but can arise from a number of non-neoplastic diseases, for example some types of rheumatoid arthritis, ankylosing spondylitis or multiple sclerosis. Chronic non-malignant pain is chronic pain that is not expected to progress or to progress very slowly over a long time frame. Low back pain, osteoarthritis and neuropathological pains such as those encountered in spinal damage or in diabetes are examples of chronic non-malignant pain. There are also other categories of chronic pain—neuropathic pain is complex pain that commonly involves dysfunction of nerve fibres; nocioceptive pain is biological, resulting from harm or disease to structures in the body; and idiopathic pain is pain for which no pathophysiological basis can be found.
The pathophysiology of chronic pain is still a very topical issue and ongoing biomedical research aims to clarify our understanding of the mechanisms and issues involved in the initiation and maintenance of pain over a long period of time. Specialist physicians, neurobiologists, psychologists, psychiatrists, physiotherapists, dentists, gerontologists and nurses use research to expand knowledge of this complex condition. The biopsychopathological explanation of the basis of chronic pain development is complex and additional information is added on a daily basis. One of the most salient points to emerge recently is the neuroplasticity of the brain and how ongoing acute pain actually alters the functioning of some parts of the brain to embed pain and foster a chronic problem. This is supported by epidemiological studies, which demonstrate that people who suffer from chronic pain have lower pain thresholds and higher sensitivities to pain (Smith et al, 2006). For a thorough explanation of the chronic pain phenomenon, a pathophysiology textbook should be consulted.
CASE STUDY 8.1
PRESENTING PROBLEM
Mr B was depressed to the point of considering suicide. His medications at this stage were:
By 2002, the pain was no longer at a manageable level and the intrathecal pump dose per day was titrated to 3.0 mg/day of morphine with clonidine added. Clonidine has an analgesic effect mediated at the alpha 2 adrenoreceptor sites, which are located in the superficial layer of the dorsal horn of the spinal cord (Murphy, 2006). It inhibits noradrenaline release from adrenergic nerve terminals and thus slows transmission across the synapses.
THE INCIDENCE AND IMPACT OF CHRONIC PAIN
The incidence of chronic pain was estimated at 17.1% (males) and 20% (females) of the adult Australian population, rising to 27% of adults over 65 years of age (Blyth, 2001). Chronic pain also affects significant numbers of children and adolescents, although population statistics are harder to come by for this group than the elderly. In Australia. with an estimated population of 2.7 million over the age of 65 years, 27% equates to 729,000 people (ABS, 2007) and in New Zealand, with an estimated population of 450,426 over 65 years, 121,615 (Statistics New Zealand, 2004). The incidence of chronic pain is of course underestimated because a number of people manage or endure the pain in their own way rather than seeking assistance and therefore avoid being registered as a ‘chronic pain’ statistic (Mayer et al, 2001). Moreover, Dewar (2006) makes the important point that the incidence of chronic pain rises with age and therefore the percentage of over 85s with chronic pain is higher than the 27% quoted above.
BEHAVIOURS AND EXPERIENCES ASSOCIATED WITH CHRONIC PAIN
Understanding the importance of psychological (cognitive and behavioural) factors in the development of chronic pain assists the person, their associates and health professionals to improve the care given to people who suffer chronic pain. Each person is different and will perceive and react individually to the insult of pain. How pain is perceived and the individual reaction to pain will often shape the experience of that pain. For instance, fear-avoidance (that is, the fear of injury due to movement, and avoiding movement), catastrophising (negative thinking and worry in response to pain) and depression are more likely to result in greater disability (Boersma & Linton, 2006). Catastrophising has been demonstrated to diminish with educational level, indicating that lower levels of formal education act as a risk factor for adverse pain outcomes (Edwards et al, 2006).
Negative emotions or emotional reactions to pain partially define the painful experience. Vulnerability to and the ability to regulate emotional experiences partially determine the reactivity of the person to their pain (Hamilton et al, 2007). Anxiety and depression are the major negative emotions that influence the pain experience. Anxiety stimulates the autonomic nervous system, leading to symptoms such as tachycardia, tachypnoea and elevated blood pressure. Over time, the autonomic arousal may result in symptoms perceived as pathological (e.g. headache, gastric upset) as well as the severe distress that accompanies ongoing anxiety. This results in more anxiety and avoidance of physical activity, which will eventually de-condition the person, leading to disability. Anxiety also affects cognitive function, such as memory and decision making (Dick & Rashiq, 2007).
Depression is considered a co-morbidity of chronic pain because of the significant overlap of brain regions affected by these two conditions. Many people with chronic pain develop depression and 65% of those with depression have pain as a symptom (Williams et al, 2006). Those people with chronic pain who do develop depression have greater associated disability with higher levels of reported pain, less physical activity, lower levels of psychosocial functioning, feelings of helplessness and loss of control, and poorer response to treatment (Adams et al, 2006).
Frustration, fear and anger are also typical emotions associated with chronic pain. Suffering is a combination of negative emotions (anxiety, depression, frustration, fear and anger) and negative ideation (that is, the inability to endure the pain, perception of the lifestyle interference, inability to reduce the pain and likelihood of not finding a cure) (Wade & Hart, 2002, p. 31).
Moral judgements may be made about the veracity of an individual’s pain that are based on the social and cultural context of the person’s response to pain. In the past (hopefully) this has led to labelling of individuals as fraudulent when they claim pain over time for which there is no medical explanation. This stigma, attached to those who report pain without an identifiable pathological basis, is greatly feared, in part because illness is defined by a society that values the medical model of healthcare. If medicine is unable to identify and treat the pain, either the person may be seen to be exaggerating for gain or the pain is seen as psychological. Patients with chronic pain are often very relieved if they can have a physical diagnosis of the cause of the pain as this is seen to ‘legitimate’ their pain. Although the incidence is low (Hill & Craig, 2004), there will always be those who ‘malinger’ (exaggerate their pain behaviour for some sort of personal gain). Determining the legitimacy of pain behaviour is a difficult clinical and ethical decision (Sullivan, 2004); it may also be a medico-legal question of whether the person is engaging in fraudulent behaviour for gain (Mendelson & Mendelson, 2004).
Case study 8.2 is a story of Paul S’s experience with chronic back pain. His was a long story of struggle for recognition and compensation. The story deals with trust, belief, self-stigma and emotions of fear and anger associated with chronic back pain. The style of this case study differs from that of Case study 8.1, which was presented from the point of view of a health professional. Case study 8.2 is taken from phenomenological study of the experience of chronic illness in rural Australia and gives the person’s view.
CASE STUDY 8.2
He was in the queue and recognised another man in the queue, whom he knew to be a ‘bludger’. He wanted to appear different from this man but how could he?—his back pain was not obvious to those around him. Paul resigned himself to the fact that he and the man looked remarkably similar. ‘I am here because I am sick,’ he cried inwardly, with enough passion to make his heart race and his back ache.
‘Well, you can’t bring it in today.’
‘That is okay,’ Paul said, ‘when shall I bring it in?’
The clerk thought about this and said, ‘Tuesday after.’
‘Well, take it to an office in Melbourne,’ the clerk responded.
‘No,’ was the clerk’s belligerent reply.