Healthy ageing

Chapter 9. Healthy ageing



Introduction



Communities for healthy ageing need to acknowledge the extent to which older persons contribute to the social, cultural and geographical life of the community. People over the age of 65 are vital to child care and other aspects of family life, particularly for their grown children who may be living in busy, dual-earner families. Many older persons are also carers for family members with disabling conditions. Importantly, older citizens are also a viable economic force. Some continue in the workplace longer than their forebears, bringing wisdom to a wide range of industries, including health care. Older adults also have the potential to dominate shifts in the economy through their spending, investments and service requirements. They are a political force through the sheer weight of numbers, capable of swaying the policy climate for health, the environment, and their grandchildren’s educational future. In some communities, older people help calm the social climate through their understanding, and by having a more emotionally balanced perspective that comes with the patience of ageing. Others’ lives may be destitute and lonely. The combination is unique for every person and experienced differently, depending on social and environmental supports. This chapter examines the continuum of ageing across different experiences and contexts, with a view towards establishing community and societal goals for health and wellbeing in the latter stages of life.



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The most important challenge for healthy ageing is creating the conditions for people to age well.


Ageing and society





Objectives


By the end of this chapter you will be able to:




1 describe the most important influences on health and wellbeing among the ageing population


2 discuss the stereotype of ageism and its implications for health care


3 explain the implications of understanding older adults’ experiences of life and life transitions


4 outline the major contributions older people make to the health of the community


5 identify older people’s health literacy needs


6 identify health promotion strategies for the ageing population using the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion


7 identify the most important gaps in nursing research knowledge related to older persons.
The challenge for nurses and other professionals working with older persons, is to see each person in terms of individual strengths and needs, and the environments that support or constrain health and wellbeing. This includes understanding their individual journey, and what it has meant for the way they experience health. From this understanding, plans can then be implemented to provide community supports that enable the highest level of health and capacity possible.


As a group, today’s over 65s have lived their lives around values of hard work and industriousness. Many have a strong spiritual connection to place, either to the land, or to the community and its ability to provide employment. In their younger years, they entered married life to raise a family, then went through some of the most dramatic social changes of any generation before them. They were the first generation to experience the women’s movement and the subsequent changes to marriage and family life. Their relative prosperity meant that they were well nourished, but often with too many high-fat, high-salt foods, and perhaps too much meat. Most smoked and many drank alcohol. Some also experimented with marijuana and other drugs that created altered states of consciousness. But somewhere along their adult lives, they likely discovered the error of their ways and stopped smoking. Many began to eat yoghurt, a habit that would have been unheard of among their parents. Some also adopted new ways of thinking and got in touch with their feelings, taking up meditation, Tai Chi and a plethora of techniques to create harmony in their lives. These too are aspects of social life that were not part of their parents’ generation. Yet, despite being unique, interesting, socially engaged, balanced, yet rebellious at times, they are often the subject of discrimination and ageist attitudes.



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Despite today’s older adults having grown up in an era of experimentation, dramatic social change and relative prosperity, they are still subject to ageist attitudes, behaviours and stereotyping from those younger than themselves.

Ageism is a type of discrimination against older adults on the basis of misconceptions about their characteristics, attitudes, abilities and capacity. Describing older persons as a ‘demographic time bomb’ or as universally and exclusively needy, dependent and ill negates their diversity and varied outcomes (Garner 2009). The global state of alarm at population ageing may therefore be the most ‘pernicious’ example of ageism (Garner 2009:5). With so much attention drawn to population ageing, it is common to hear younger people make disparaging comments about older people being non-productive, resistant to change, or a liability to society. This type of comment causes older people to wonder about health-related decisions that might affect their future, including the possibility that a younger generation might ration their health and social services (Fairhurst 2005). Insensitive comments often draw undue attention to an older person’s memory slip, labelling it as dementia or Alzheimer’s disease, when it may be due to other factors such as motivation, the saliency of remembering, or personal interest (Wilkinson 1996). In many cases, where ageist remarks are made, there is little consideration of personality characteristics, or personal responses to provocation, pain, disability or recent life events. Instead, the older adult’s concerns are often stereotyped as if they were typical of the entire demographic group.

Stereotypes of older persons include negative impressions of their cognitive function (senile vs wise), physical functions (decrepit vs spry) and social lives (boring perhaps) (Levy and Leifheit-Limson, 2009 and Sanchez Palacios C, Trianes Torres M, Blanca Mena M, 2009). Stereotypes include assumptions that being older causes illness, irritability, that older people are lonely and devoid of affective links, or that they are disinterested in sexual activity (Sanchez Palacios et al 2009). These negative stereotypes can be insulting to older people. If they are commonly held perceptions by others in the community, they can also be barriers to adequate care and support (Reyna et al 2007). Garner (2009:6) notes that there is ‘greater individual variability between 70 year olds than among 17 year olds’. Older people also continue to develop and evolve into their oldest years. Some do not cope well with ageing because of negative beliefs about self-efficacy, but others thrive, especially those who remain connected to social activities in the community (Sanchez Palacios et al 2009).

Although people age and mature in different ways, many begin to develop a more balanced perspective of life as a function of getting older. Psychological changes include a greater capacity for delayed gratification, and a greater valuing of relationships (Garner 2009). These traits evolve through acquired knowledge, and the recognition that internal resourcefulness and a sense of humour are critical to ageing well and maintaining a high quality of life. Placing a high value on relationships also fosters greater tolerance of difference, which is important in an era where there is such diversity in community life. In the cities, especially, older people can be an anchor for newcomers such as migrants, with the time and tolerance to help ease their transitions and changes in the social fabric of their community. Clearly, it is important to recognise the strengths older people bring to community life, to balance the perspective purveyed in policy debates and the media that population ageing is a threat to Western society.


Population ageing


With longevity at an all-time high, the world is ageing rapidly. Population ageing is also linked to the fertility rate. With fewer babies being born and older people living longer, the largest group in society is older people. The WHO (2008) estimates that by 2050, the world will contain 2 billion people over the age of 60, around 85% of whom will be living in today’s developing countries, mostly in urban areas. Throughout the world, thousands of older people live in poverty and conditions of disadvantage, particularly in countries where infectious diseases like HIV/AIDS and malaria have caused deaths in family members. In families ravaged by disease there are fewer middle-aged adults to guide and support younger generations through their transitions into adult life. Older people in these families may be the only ones available to care for young children. As is the case in many developing countries, their lives may be difficult not only from caregiving, but also overwork, a lack of food security, civil conflicts or family displacement (WHO 2008).


Global ageing perspectives


Any analysis of ageing trends should include a cross-national or cross-cultural perspective, as population ageing is of major consequence throughout the world.




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Despite dramatic increases in the oldest old and the ‘baby boomers’ leaving the workforce in growing numbers, fears of decreased tax intake and increasing health care costs may be exaggerated.

The dramatic effects of population ageing have evoked strong responses throughout the world (Castles 2000). Two distinct demographic trends are acknowledged by all sides of the debate. First, because people are living longer the future will see a dramatic increase in the ‘oldest old’ proportion of the population. Second, the children of the post-World War II generation, the ‘baby boomers’, are leaving the workforce and reducing their contribution to the economy through taxes. This has caused widespread uneasiness about the declining capacity of the remaining workforce to provide for the health and social security of older citizens. Public debates have therefore revolved around the needs and potential of the older generation and the effect of a shrinking workforce having to pay for a growing number of pensioners (Brockmann et al 2009). These discussions need to shift the focus from the ‘disability’ rhetoric of ageing to an emphasis on older people’s capacity and abilities, particularly in retirement.

One solution to the imminent retirement of the baby boomer generation is to adjust the official retirement age upwards, through policies that would keep people working longer. Some policy experts have argued that retirement is a risk factor for illness or frailty, while others have mounted a counter-argument, that leaving the stress of the workplace and assuming a healthier lifestyle during retirement has major health benefits. Brockmann et al’s (2009) research conducted on a large cohort of retirees indicates that early retirement lowers mortality risks. Those with poorer health self-select themselves out of the workplace, leaving a healthier workforce behind, thereby reducing their risk for mortality or further morbidity. Retired life also provides more opportunities for healthy lifestyles, which improves health and quality of life. This is often more likely for those of higher socio-economic status. Those wealthy enough to retire early, enjoy healthier ageing because of their opportunities for healthy lifestyles as well as the protective effect of financial security (Brockmann et al 2009).

The main public concerns about the exit of the older generation from the workplace are centred on skills shortages, a lack of mentors for young people and erosion of the tax base, as retired people pay much less in tax than those employed in paid work. However, these concerns may be exaggerated by younger people. The current generation of older people have greater wealth than their parents, and many will be self-funded retirees, rather than relying on government support in their older years. In addition, many also enjoy better health than their age group has in previous eras, so the strain on health care systems may not be as great as some imagine. Financial security also permits greater opportunities for social engagement, which is a critical element for both retirees and those who choose part-time employment in their older years. Social engagement in the workplace is a lifeline for many older people who, like a large proportion of others in the population, may be living alone. For some older people the family remains the centre of their social life, but for others, the freedom that comes from retiring and having fewer family responsibilities can open up new social networks, which are fundamental to health and wellbeing.



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Maintaining social connectedness is a priority for older adults.


BOX 9.1



Two 11-year-old girls are walking through the markets on a Saturday morning, a few steps behind the grandfather of one of them. Grandpa only buys his vegetables at the farmers’ markets, a habit he has maintained for years. On Saturday mornings he picks up his granddaughter for a brisk one-hour walk and a trip to the markets, lifestyle habits he is hoping will inspire her life choices. He is fit, healthy, 70, and conscious of his weight and general health. On this day his granddaughter, Cassie, has brought her friend, Ella.

‘What should we do today?’ asks Cassie.

‘I have to go shopping with my mum after this,’ says Ella.

‘Maybe we can hook up in the afternoon then,’ says Cassie. ‘I have to go shopping too. I need to get a birthday present for Grandpa’s girlfriend. We are going to her place, then I have to go with my mother to my step-grandma’s apartment and pick up a big pot for my gran. She’s getting ready to bake the wedding cake for Louise’s wedding.’

‘Whatever … Who’s Louise?’ asks Ella.

‘Louise is my step-sister from my dad’s second marriage. She’s going to get married in a park and come to my grandpa’s house for the reception. That way we won’t have to go to a church.’

‘Why don’t they want to get married in a church?’

‘We don’t want to mix up Grandpa, Grandpa’s girlfriend, and Gran. Also, my dad doesn’t want his girlfriend to argue with Grandpa’s girlfriend, which always happens. As if … so my mum and I are getting the stuff to bake the cake at Gran’s and everyone can stay away from each other. So I need to get the present over to Grandpa’s girlfriend before I go over to Gran’s.’

This is an actual conversation overheard on a Saturday at the markets. It reflects the reality of some of the older people in contemporary life, and the multi-generational impact of their social lives. We present this to provoke reflection on stereotypical thinking about the lives of older persons, and to underline the need to assess individual needs in the context of existing lifestyles and family dynamics.


Risk and potential in older persons


The experience of ageing is typically characterised by some or all of the following:




• normative declines in health, physical and cognitive abilities and the likelihood of developing ill health or chronic diseases


• greater salience of health concerns in life


• diminishing time left to live


• the experience(s) of bereavement


• having more restricted but intense social relationships and networks


• being perceived or treated in ageist ways


• increasing interiority (looking inward), desire for integrity and search for meaning in life


• greater acceptance of what cannot be controlled and greater fear of losing control over one’s life.


Despite the inherent declines of ageing, older people in the 21st century have the potential for a long life, and better health status than the generations before them. Australians over age 65 comprise 13% of the population, and this is expected to double over the next 4 decades (AIHW 2008; Commonwealth of Australia 2008). Their life expectancy is second only to Japan, at 81.4 years. In New Zealand, 12% of the population are over age 65, and this is expected to rise to 19% by 2021 (Ministry of Health New Zealand [MOHNZ] 2006). Life expectancy in New Zealand, at 80.1%, does not quite match Australia’s, although there is a 4.2-year difference between male and female life expectancy, with males lagging behind females (MOHNZ & Statistics New Zealand 2009). Most people over age 65 consider themselves to be in good health, with a large proportion of older women rating their health as excellent (Commonwealth of Australia 2008). Despite better prospects for healthy ageing, some changes are predictable in the latter part of a person’s life. Physical changes reduce the body’s physiological reserve, presenting a range of obstacles to healthy ageing, more serious for some than others. All older people experience some loss of skin resilience and moisture. Most develop more pronounced facial features from the loss of subcutaneous fat and skin elasticity. Changes in vision and hearing are typical. Respiratory muscle strength tends to decrease, and there may be decreased cardiac output due to decreased cardiac muscle strength. There may also be changes in mass, tone and elasticity of breasts, the abdomen, and the reproductive system. The urinary and musculoskeletal systems function less efficiently, and there may be some loss of balance, due to neurological changes. Some problems affect quality of life more profoundly than others. Incontinence, for example, can be a major problem for older people, as it is surrounded by stigma and can rapidly lead to social isolation, with those who are incontinent becoming less inclined to venture out of their homes. Separately, none of these conditions may be life threatening, but in combination they can work against a person’s attempts to stay young and vital.



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Life expectancy in Australia is currently at 81.4 years — up from 77.1 years in 1990. In New Zealand, life expectancy has increased from 75.3 years in 1990 to 80.1 years in 2010.

Many older people live with the burden of social disadvantage and disabling chronic diseases. Urbanisation, ageing and globalised lifestyle changes have combined to make chronic and non-communicable diseases — including depression, diabetes, cardiovascular disease and cancers — and injuries the most important causes of morbidity (WHO 2008). Among those aged 65–84 cancer, cardiovascular disease and stroke are the most common causes of death, with cardiovascular disease dominating the over 85 age group (Commonwealth of Australia 2008; MOHNZ 2006). As many as 25% of 65–69-year-olds and 50% of 80–84-year-olds in Western countries are affected by two or more chronic health conditions simultaneously. These are the same group of chronic diseases as are manifest in adulthood (see Chapter 8). The nine most common of these are identified in Box 9.2

BOX 9.2







• Cardiovascular disease


• Hypertension


• Stroke


• Diabetes


• Cancer


• Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease


• Musculoskeletal conditions (arthritis, osteoporosis)


• Mental health conditions (dementia, depression)


• Blindness and visual impairment.

(AIHW 2008)

Chronic diseases, such as type 2 diabetes, can lead to visual impairments and the risk of falling, which is the most frequent injury-related cause of death, especially among those over age 75 (AIHW 2008). Injuries from falls have a major effect on people’s lifestyles, often precipitating admission to hospital or residential care (AIHW 2008). Those in residential care have a greater risk of falling for a number of reasons. These include pre-existing conditions that affect their balance or lower limb strength, psychotropic medications, wearing slippers, or the environmental conditions of residential care facilities. Another chronic condition that impedes people’s lifestyle is poor oral health, especially the loss of teeth, which affects many older adults and often has a long-term effect on their nutritional status, self-confidence and quality of life (AIHW 2008).



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The most common causes of morbidity in older adults in Australia and New Zealand are depression, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, cancer and injuries.

The main health concerns for older people include day-to-day adjustments required to cope with disability and chronic conditions (Westaway 2009; WHO 2008). For some, disabilities are a result of the cumulative effect of lifelong exposures to various environmental factors (Commonwealth of Australia 2008). As mentioned earlier, in the industrialised world, as many as 25% of 65–69-year-olds and 50% of 80–84-year-olds are affected by two or more chronic health conditions simultaneously. When conditions such as type 2 diabetes, hypertension and obesity occur together they can have a compound detrimental effect on health (Westaway 2009). Although these diseases may not cause death they can impair a person’s physical function, severely limiting their quality of life (Lang et al 2008).

People over age 65 have the highest proportion (35%) of hospitalisations, with males being hospitalised more frequently than females. Although many of these are short-stay hospital visits, their highest expenditures arise from joint replacement surgery for hips and knees replacements or revisions. Other major causes of problems among the over 65s include adult-onset hearing loss, Parkinson’s disease in males, and falls and osteoarthritis in females (Commonwealth of Australia 2008; MOHNZ 2006). One out of every five Australians and New Zealanders lives with at least one disability, and these are more frequent among the older age groups (Commonwealth of Australia 2008; MOHNZ 2008).


Weight and mobility in older age


Illness and lack of sleep can also cause people to eat more than usual, and antidepressants can stimulate the appetite, cause water retention or slow metabolism. Joint pain, decreased mobility and activity intolerance can also contribute to an inactive lifestyle, and lead to overweight or obesity (Newman 2009). Obesity, in particular, creates a cycle of disadvantage for those who are trying to maintain a healthy lifestyle. Obesity in older age is often related to a decrease in energy expenditure, with hormonal changes causing an accumulation of fat, and metabolic changes that decrease a person’s ability to regulate appetite (Newman 2009). In addition, environmental and social factors include concerns about safe places to walk, a lack of recreational spaces, safety fears because of neighbourhood hazards, and the tendency to eat out or from vending machines, for those without someone to share mealtimes (Newman 2009). Being overweight or obese can exacerbate arthritis and osteoarthritis by increasing the load on knee and hip joints, causing deterioration of the cartilage. Arthritis is the most chronically disabling condition, particularly for those over age 75, but joint and mobility problems also affect those under age 75 (AIHW 2008). Although mobility in joints should be maintained by stretching and strengthening exercises, these may cause pain that often prevents older persons with even mild levels of joint deterioration from continuing to be active (Newman 2009).



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Ageing, genetics, intergenerational effects and the cumulative effects of lifelong exposure to environmental factors contribute to an increased risk of developing joint and mobility problems in older people.


Physical activity and ageing


Maintaining physical activity is one of the greatest challenges of ageing. Although joint pain and a lack of muscle strength can be a deterrent to regular exercise it is important to help maintain joint mobility. Combined with pain management techniques, regular exercise can help sustain quality of life throughout the older years. Strength training and Tai Chi are particularly effective for older persons to help with balance and muscle integrity. Strength and balance, together with safe home and environmental modifications, can help prevent falls, which are the most common cause of injuries in older adults (Comans et al 2009). Physical activity also provides social opportunities, whether through interactions at a gym or other facility, walking or cycling groups. Maintaining 30 minutes of exercise a day helps prevent physical deterioration and prevent lifestyle-related diseases in all adults. International studies have shown that this level of exercise has been responsible for reducing coronary artery disease, some cancers, type 2 diabetes, obesity, osteoporosis and injury from falls (Kolt et al 2009). Regular activity also improves quality of life and psychological function, reduces the risk of dementia, and facilitates independent living (Kolt et al 2009).

Most countries have introduced national guidelines for 30 minutes of exercise per day for all adults, including older people. Because older people are at risk of physical inactivity, New Zealand has also introduced the ‘Green Prescription’, which is an activity prescription provided by primary care providers, including nurses (Elley et al., 2003 and Kolt et al., 2009; NZ Ministry of Social Policy 2001; Sinclair & Hamlin 2007). Prescribing the exercise regime helps motivate a person to achieve the requisite level of activity by drawing attention to the benefits of exercise at the primary care visit, then intermittent telephone support by exercise professionals from the Regional Sports Trust. The program has already been deemed effective in terms of maintaining physical fitness, and it has proven cost effective (Dalziel et al., 2006, Elley et al., 2003, Elley et al., 2004 and Kerse et al., 2005). Researchers are now instituting a 12-month trial that will add a prescription for the over 65s, encouraging the participants to add a minimum level of steps to their daily exercise, measured through a pedometer-based study. Evaluation of the trial is expected to show even greater benefits for heart health, quality of life and functional status (Kolt et al 2009).


Mental health issues


Many older people have mental health issues, the most common of which are Alzheimer’s disease and other forms of dementia. Dementia is a brain syndrome caused by abnormal accumulation of proteins around the neurons of the brain. These clump together, interfering with brain cell function and connections, eventually leading to cell death (Alzheimer’s Australia 2008). The disease results in an impaired level of arousal affecting at least three areas of mental activity. These can include language, memory, visuo-spatial skills, personality or emotional state, and cognitive functions such as planning, abstraction or judgement (Alzheimer’s Australia 2008; Flood & Buckwalter 2009). Memory loss tends to be the first sign of dementia, and this can cause enormous stress as the person tries unsuccessfully to retrieve something elusive from their memory (Alzheimer’s Australia 2008). For those with Alzheimer’s disease the memory loss is followed by language dysfunction and problems with spatial orientation (Alzheimer’s Australia 2008). Dementia can be caused by Alzheimer’s disease or other factors, such as vascular disease, HIV infection, neurological disease, chronic alcoholism or head trauma (Flood & Buckwalter 2009). Alzheimer’s disease often has no genetic cause but, like other dementias, it can be instigated by conditions that cause vascular damage, such as type 2 diabetes, hypertension, high cholesterol and smoking (Alzheimer’s Australia 2008).

Dementia is the most significant cause of disability at older ages, but it can also affect people under age 65 (Alzheimer’s Australia 2008). It is a progressive, incurable condition that is highly disabling as it affects activities of daily living and can lead to the need for long-term high-level care (Chang et al 2009). The condition is more prevalent in over 85s, with older females having higher rates because they tend to live longer than males. But with the increase in life expectancy for both women and men, it is an important population health issue (Nepal et al 2008). Even moderate dementia can cause severe impairments in judgement and the ability to function independently, which renders the condition a major cause of stress for both the person suffering and their carers. It is also a major expense for the health care system and for family members who absorb the expenses of caregiving, either in the home or when institutional care is required. Caregivers also have to deal with the challenges of mobility and communication difficulties that accompany dementia, especially when these cause difficult behaviours (Moniz-Cook et al 2008). Some people with dementia develop psychotic symptoms and aggressive behaviours. Often this is a response to being placed in an alienating environment, or because of the frustration of not being able to communicate their needs. Although anti-psychotic drugs are frequently prescribed to older adults with dementia, recent research suggests that the potential benefits of their use are outweighed by their adverse effects. Recommendations suggest that further research be undertaken into non-pharmacological methods of treating behavioural problems in dementia and that health professionals need to be up-skilled in managing the complexity, co-morbidity and severity of people with dementia (Banerjee 2009).



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Developing effective approaches to managing the complexity of dementia is a research imperative.

Other mental health issues affecting older people include anxiety and depression, which can be a cause or a consequence of loneliness or social isolation. Depression can also be caused by functional and sensory impairment, incontinence, loss of mobility and/or pain (Dening & Milne 2009). The depressed person typically shows persistent symptoms of being sad, anxious, loss of interest or feelings of guilt, worthlessness and hopelessness (Dahle & Ploeg 2008). The condition often impacts on physical health through disrupted eating and sleeping patterns, which cause malnutrition and decreased energy as well as difficulties in concentrating (Dahle & Ploeg 2008). Depression is an interesting phenomenon in older people, thought to arise from the cumulative effects of chronic stressors and negative life events, including both health- and non-health-related events. However, depression may also arise as a response to behaviour patterns established in earlier life stages that trigger stressors. This works like a feedback loop, in that stressors trigger depressive symptoms, which continue to elicit behaviours such as antagonistic interpersonal interactions that generate more stressors. Once this self-perpetuating loop is set in motion, it may endure for years, because of relatively stable personality and interaction patterns among older adults.



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Person-centred care refocuses the provision of health care on effective interpersonal relationships rather than medical diagnoses.

Coping strategies are an important concern for those dealing with the changes associated with ageing, or those helping others deal with these changes. Self-efficacy, believing in one’s ability to overcome difficulties, is crucial to positive coping. A sense of humour can reinforce self-efficacy, especially if social support is also available (Marziali et al 2008). Cultural considerations also play a part in coping with ageing. Some families may not encourage help-seeking because of a cultural value of self-sufficiency, while others may be more inclined to seek assistance early for any difficulties. Because of wide variation in family responses, it is important that nurses interacting with older persons and their families reinforce the need for ‘personhood’ and person-centred care, especially for those with dementia (Adams & Moyle 2007:159). Person-centred care places the emphasis on relationships rather than whatever medical condition might be present. This type of approach can help reframe caregiving in terms of empowerment, diversity and choice, rather than predetermined assumptions of a person’s needs, many of which are influenced by their environment (Price 2009). Trying to cope with depression is a pervasive challenge for those in long-term care (Dahle and Ploeg, 2008 and Dening and Milne, 2009). When a person moves into long-term care they often lose touch with friends and distant family members, who may have remained in touch while they lived at home. The sense of loss of all that is familiar can lead to a loss of control over a person’s life, and their sense of the future. This underlines the importance of place and the difficulties of displacement, especially for older persons who have lived in relatively stable environments throughout their lives.


Health and place


People develop ways of adjusting to the challenges of their lives in a variety of ways. Some of these differ by gender, or other factors, but some differ according to the environmental or circumstantial aspects of their lives. ‘Place’ holds a pre-eminent position in the lives of many older adults, beyond the space where they live. The place or setting where people grow old usually has meaning for them, in that it shapes the intimate relations between people, and the broader processes of social relations that comprise society (Wiles 2005). As they go through the many transitions of ageing, their places, whether these are homes or institutional environments, are constantly being negotiated as a kind of personal geography. This includes where they live, how they move about and how they experience and understand their surroundings (Wiles 2005).

The most visible influence of place on health is in rural–urban comparisons. Ageing in the city has unique challenges. Independent-living older people with the financial means to be selective often gravitate to inner-city living, where services such as the medical practitioner, pharmacist, physiotherapist, grocer or newsagent are readily available. Safety and accessibility are the most important issues for these people, so the features they look for if they are choosing a neighbourhood are well-maintained footpaths, lighting, safe traffic conditions and shelter. Other independent-living people may wish to remain in their more suburban homes. Their environmental concerns may be focused on transportation, and ensuring there is someone to monitor their health and wellbeing, especially if they live alone.




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The ‘place’ where people grow old has significance to an individual beyond its physical boundaries, providing meaning to the older person, through the creation and maintenance of broader interpersonal and intergenerational relationships.

Many older adults experience ‘displacements’ through multiple relocations; from their own home to the residence of a family member and sometimes back and forth between the homes of family members. They may also experience relocations between residential facilities, health care institutions and their usual residence. Each of these moves adds stress to older adults’ lives, especially if they have been forced by illness or family circumstances to leave a home in which they have spent a substantial portion of their lives. For some, the stress is exacerbated by the unpredictability of the move, either because of its location or duration, or because it signals that the family has become scattered, and there may be no one to take care of them. Relocation stress is influenced by several factors: the person’s characteristics prior to the move, their attitude towards moving, their preparation for the move, their physical and cognitive status and the extent to which they feel they have control over the move.

At some point, most people experience a loss of place in both the material and emotional sense. Some have an extended period of grieving, which can be a very intense personal experience. Besides losing the material comforts of their home, they may also be grieving for the symbolic meaning of their sanctuary, the place where they have established and sustained the family. Home is often a source of satisfaction in having provided a protective environment for loved ones. It is where possessions and personal touches mark significant family moments and memories. Dislocation from the family home because of financial peril causes extraordinary stress for some people, and brings with it concerns about becoming homeless, or dependent on institutionalised care. Some people also worry about losing their home if it will leave their children financially liable, or in difficult circumstances following their death.

The relationship of personal geographies to health and wellbeing has implications for both home and community care. Home care may violate a person’s sense of personal space by the intrusion of caregiving devices and external caregivers, or it may be readily accommodated and help define a person’s sense of place. These reactions are variable. Models of shared care involving one or more outsiders and someone in the family setting may be received differentially, depending on the older person’s connection with others, and how they choose to negotiate the relationships involved in both care and domestic living (Sebern 2005). The nurse–client relationship is often pre-eminent. Older people attending general practice or other primary health care (PHC) settings typically rely on nurses for advice and support for their self-management of chronic conditions. Nurses also provide the first line of support for caregivers, particularly in the context of home visiting. Home visiting nurses may be the most trusted health professional in an older person’s network of support because of their skill in bridging the gap between the formal and informal health care context. This requires a respectful attitude, diplomacy, and a commitment to working in partnership with the older person and/or family to identify strengths and needs in the home that will provide protection from harm, and promote health and wellbeing. Most nurses approach home visiting by tailoring their communication, assessment, health education and advocacy skills to individual needs and preferences.





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Apr 8, 2017 | Posted by in NURSING | Comments Off on Healthy ageing

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