Chapter 12. Children with chronic health problems and their families
Jon Darvill, Kay Thomas and Pamela Henry
Learning outcomes
Reading this chapter will help you to:
» identify common chronic health problems in Australia and New Zealand
» describe the epidemiological incidences and trends of these health problems
» identify the role of primary healthcare in their management
» recognise that children themselves have a perspective on their lives, health and nursing care
» reiterate in broad terms the best practice management approach to children with chronic health problems and their families
» identify issues around the transition from paediatric to adult-based services
» integrate current research findings into your nursing practice
» adopt a culturally sensitive approach to nursing care of children and families with differing cultural practices
» discuss the additional needs and challenges facing technology-dependent children and their families
» describe issues around the preparation for and discharge of technology-dependent children from hospitals, and
Introduction
Chronic diseases produce symptoms and develop over a long period of time. They are often complex and account for significant illness, disability and death in developed countries. O’Halloran et al. (2004) suggest that a chronic disease lasts at least 6 months, recurs or deteriorates, has a poor prognosis and the consequences of the disease impact on the individual’s quality of life. Chronic diseases only emerged as population health problems in the twentieth century when significant control over infectious disease was achieved. They have now assumed epidemic proportions (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006a). Finding effective solutions for individuals is, however, a complex challenge, as behaviour is contingent on many factors.
This chapter focuses on Australian and New Zealand children with chronic health problems and their families. It identifies the extent of these problems, their impact on children and families, and presents evidence of best practice management. The overarching assumptions encompassed in this chapter include the need to consider children and young people as individuals in their own right, adopt a primary healthcare approach, and promote collaborative models of care.
After discussing chronic health in children and young people, two clinical scenarios are used to introduce specific topics. Issues that are relevant not only to the specific scenario but also the wider population of chronically ill children and young people are discussed. The first scenario focuses on a young person with diabetes mellitus and the second is an infant who is dependent on technology for her survival.
Chronic health problems in children and young people
Chronic diseases in children and young people differ from those in adulthood in several ways, including their risk factors, incidence, and types and presentation of diseases. Chronic disease is predominantly seen in adults, but there is a smaller and significant number of children with long-term health problems. In 2001, 4% of New Zealand children had a chronic health problem and 3% had a psychiatric or psychological problem (Ministry of Health New Zealand 2004). In Australia, 41% of children suffer from a long-term problem, although this included relatively minor conditions such as those associated with vision (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006b), which explains the wide discrepancy in statistics. Importantly, a chronic disease in a child affects not only the child, but also their family.
The chronic diseases responsible for the greatest disease burden in children differ from those in adults. Rather than coronary artery disease, stroke and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), available data show that in both Australia and New Zealand childhood asthma, diabetes and cancer are responsible for a significant disease burden (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b, Ministry of Health New Zealand 1998). New Zealand also cites oral health as a significant issue. Other children’s chronic conditions include, but are not limited to, cystic fibrosis, cerebral palsy, epilepsy, learning disabilities, visual impairment, allergies and the consequences of injury. Psychosocial health issues include conditions such as depression/anxiety, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and autism.
Epidemiological data have identified several patterns or trends. While the incidences of asthma and cancer are not changing, the incidence of both type 1 and type 2 diabetes mellitus is rising. Type 2 is usually seen in people over 40 years of age and is associated with obesity and a sedentary lifestyle, both modifiable risk factors (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b). Lifestyle risk factors for developing adult chronic diseases persist in children and young people. Of particular concern is that the proportion of children and young people whose weight is unhealthy is rising. Finally, there are no discernible trends in mental health problems. Table 12.1 sets out the areas of concern and associated issues for chronic diseases in both Australia and New Zealand.
Prevalence and trends | Key points |
---|---|
Diabetes mellitus Australia Type 1 (0–14 years old) 24.6/100,000 Increasing annually by 3% Type 2 is also increasing and accounts for 5% of all diabetics (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b) New Zealand Type 1 (0–14 years old) 14.7/100,000 Increasing incidence (Ministry of Health New Zealand 1998) Type 2 (10–14 years old) Maori 6.9/100,000; 92% were obese Increasing incidence (Campbell-Stokes & Taylor 2005) | Control of blood glucose levels (BGL) reduces the risk of complications common in adulthood. Most centres are currently not achieving target levels of HbA1c (blood test used to monitor BGL over time). The optimal HbA1c target is 7.5% or less without increasing hypoglycaemia. Early signs of long-term complications (retinopathy and increased albumen excretion rate) are common in children 6 years after diagnosis (Donaghue et al. 2005). Immediate concerns in childhood are lower quality of life, psychological problems and difficulty adjusting to adulthood (Ambler et al. 2006). Asymptomatic hypoglycaemia is more common than previously thought. It may cause neuropsychological damage in young children (Ambler et al. 2006). |
Asthma Australia Little difference in prevalence between Indigenous and non-Indigenous children, but asthma is more prevalent in locally born children than those born overseas (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b) New Zealand (6–7 years old) 12-month prevalence of 26.5% (Asher et al. 2001) | Australia There is a strong link between asthma and allergy. 40% of children with asthma live with smokers (National Asthma Council 2006). Asthma was the most common reason for children’s hospital admissions in 2003–04 and absence from school (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b). New Zealand Children’s hospital admissions are approximately double that of adults. Maori and Pacific Islander children have lower usage rates of asthma medication, more severe symptoms and higher rates of hospitalisation (Asher & Byrnes 2006). |
Cancer Australia Incidence of cancers is increasing on average by 0.6% per annum (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005a and Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005b) New Zealand (0–14 years old) Prevalence of 16.51/100,000 in 2000–02 Second highest cause, after injury, of all deaths in this age group | Australia Cancers are relatively rare compared with adults, with <1% of all cancers in 2001 occurring in children. Leukaemia and CNS cancers account for 57% of the new diagnoses in 2001 (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b). Improved survival to 5 years for children with leukaemia since the 1980s (62.4% to 69.7%). However, CNS malignancies remain a leading cause of death in this age group (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006b). New Zealand Patterns are similar to Australia. The survival rate for children with brain tumours is far less impressive at a 25% 5-year survival. |
Unhealthy weight Australia One in four children and adolescents is overweight or obese (Margarey et al. and Vaska et al., cited in Baur 2006) New Zealand In 2002, of children aged 5–14 years, 21.3% were overweight and 9.8% were obese The prevalence is generally greater among Pacific Islander and Maori populations than New Zealand Europeans and others (MOH 2006) | The epidemiological triad of obesity: 1. Host (the individual) Biological Behavioural Physical adjustments 2. Environment Physical, economic, policy, sociocultural 3. Vectors of obesity (factors that promote obesity): high-energy foods and drinks; labour-saving devices; and television and computers (Lean et al. 2006). |
Smoking Australia Rates of smoking have halved over the last decade One in 12 young Australians aged 12–19 years smoked daily in 2004 (females 9.1%; males 7.3%) Declining number of households where someone is smoking inside (31% in 1995 to 12% in 2004) The number of households that include a smoker remains constant at 40–45% (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006b) New Zealand Survey of secondary school students in 2000 By 13 years of age, 36.2% of males and 36.5% of females have smoked a cigarette 15 and 16 year olds are most likely to smoke cigarettes weekly or more Female students of all ages are more likely to smoke cigarettes than males (Adolescent Health Research Group 2003) | Smoking reduces health and fitness and increases the risk of lung cancer. This risk increases the younger the child starts smoking (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006b). Passive smoking is associated with a variety of respiratory problems, including asthma and SIDS (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006b). |
Alcohol consumption Australia 1.7% of children between 12 and 14 years old are at risk of short-term problems and 0.4% are at risk of long-term consequences (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006b) New Zealand Survey of secondary school students in 2000 >8 out of 10 students have drunk alcohol and most continue to do so >50% of student drinkers reported an episode of binge drinking (Adolescent Health Research Group 2004) | Alcohol health problems in children and adolescents relate to ‘risky or binge’ drinking (i.e. five or more drinks in one drinking session). This can lead to alcohol poisoning, accidents, violence and unprotected sex. Chronic problems such as addiction, organ damage, depression and relationship problems may occur (NDARC 2004, cited in Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006b). Chronic diseases, including cancers of the digestive system, cirrhosis of the liver, brain damage and fetal alcohol syndrome may occur (Adolescent Health Research Group 2004). |
Illicit drugs (cannabis and others) Australia Surveys (2001 and 2002) of 12–19-year-old students and young people 27–38% used at least one illicit drug Cannabis: 25–34% prevalence. Use declined between 1993 and 2001 (Holt 2005) Other drugs (hallucinogens, amphetamines, cocaine, ecstasy, opiates and steroids): small proportion (<10%) report frequent use (Holt 2005) New Zealand Survey of secondary school students in 2000 Cannabis: at 16 years of age, about 50% of students of both sexes have tried cannabis. More frequent use is less prevalent (males 10.2%; females 8.3%) Other drugs: ecstasy, glue, hallucinogens, narcotics, stimulants or cocaine—reported use males 11.5%; females 11% (Adolescent Health Research Group 2003) | Cannabis is the most commonly used illicit drug. Illicit drug use is more common and may be normalised in specific subcultures (e.g. clubbing and dance music). Heroin use is stable at <1% of young people, but there is increasing use of recreational or party drugs such as ecstasy and amphetamines (Holt 2005). |
Chronic childhood health problems have differing patterns of presentation. Some are congenital, some develop later in life and some the child ‘grows out of ’. Despite this, most require healthcare to enable the child to live a normal or near normal life (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b).
Risk factors for developing the classic chronic health problems of adulthood can occur in childhood. Some risk factors occur early in life and are unique to childhood. See Table 1.1 in Chapter 1 for a summary of risk and protective factors. For example, a low birth weight (<2500g) increases the risk of some cardiac, respiratory, renal diseases and type 2 diabetes (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2006b). Other risk factors are similar to those of adults and include individual, family and community factors.
Having outlined the major diseases and their incidence in childhood, it is worth personalising these data by considering the first of the two scenarios, which concerns a young person with a chronic disease and her family.
Scenario one: Josie—a young person with a chronic disease
Josie has just turned 13 years old. She presents to the Emergency Department with her 15-year-old sister, Michelle. Josie says she is feeling really tired and has been ‘vomiting’. The triage nurse begins an assessment and during the history taking discovers Josie has a history of type 1 diabetes mellitus. Type 1 is the more common in children and young people and is characterised by the need for insulin replacement. It is an autoimmune disease, has no known modifiable risk factors (Australian Paediatric Endocrine Group 2005) and is the fastest growing health problem in this age group (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b).
Josie is diagnosed with diabetic ketoacidosis (DKA) and has 5% dehydration. She is rehydrated, treated with insulin and admitted to the Paediatric High Dependency Unit (HDU). During her admission, she is seen by the paediatric endocrinologist, diabetes educator, nutritionist and social worker.
Josie is experiencing an acute exacerbation of a chronic disease. While she requires hospitalisation and acute care now, this is a short interlude in her ongoing primary healthcare management. How Josie came to develop DKA and the fact that she presented with her sister rather than a parent are specific areas of concern for her health professionals. These may indicate she is having trouble at home.
Diagnosis and its impact on children and their families
Josie was diagnosed with diabetes mellitus at the age of 2 years. She was living with her mother, father and sister, Michelle, who was then 4 years old. For the family, Josie’s diagnosis changed their lives. The diagnosis of a chronic illness signals the end of the known world for the family and its individual members. Uncertainty and a period in which the family attempts to adapt follow. Most families and children will strive to normalise their new situations (Fisher 2001, Knafl & Deatrick 2002, Darvill, 2003, Darvill 2003). Some families are successful in their adaptation, while others are not and will remain vulnerable (Dellve et al. 2006). The ability to cope varies according to individual factors, the dynamics within the family and the specific health problem (Dellve et al. 2006).
The range of responses can be conceptualised as a continuum reflecting the difficulties the families have in their adaptation (Hentinen & Kyngas 1998, Knafl & Deatrick 2006), whether individuals’ experiences are similar or different (Knafl & Deatrick 2006) and the degree of stability within the parenting relationship (Darvill 2003). Families often struggle with the emotional impact, the additional stress that is encountered and the loss of important aspects of their lives. Thus, stress arises from multiple sources—intrinsic, family, the child and from interactions with health services (Krulik et al. 1999, Chesla & Rungreangkulkiji 2001, Melnyk et al. 2001, Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005b, Dellve et al. 2006, Barlow & Ellard 2006).
Josie’s mother and father were shocked at the diagnosis of a chronic disease requiring complex management. They watched their child suffer while undergoing medical treatment. They had to perform painful procedures such as blood glucose monitoring and injections of insulin themselves. Further, they lost a certain freedom in their lives as a new regime was required to manage Josie’s diabetes.
The emotional impact is often ongoing with peaks of intensity at critical moments, such as if the child is not achieving a developmental milestone, transitional times including starting school and puberty or when the child is having an acute exacerbation related to their condition (Melnyk et al. 2001). Barlow and Ellard (2006) found that 5 years from diagnosis, the parents experience a range of issues. They may be fearful and uncertain or even display symptoms of posttraumatic stress. They are also likely to worry about their child’s future and health. In contrast, some reviews they evaluated noted positive outcomes such as good support systems, the development of new values and attitudes, and increased bonding within marital relationships and families.
Parents are not the only ones who suffer. The children, both those with a chronic disease and their siblings, may also suffer, although again the evidence is inconsistent or incomplete. In addition to the consequences of the disease itself, the affected child is at a slightly higher risk of a psychosocial problem. The child may have difficulty adjusting to their circumstances, miss school, lose touch with friends and therefore risk social isolation. Thus the child may feel different, anxious and depressed, and may develop emotional and/or behavioural problems. The child’s self-concept and self-esteem may be lower, although the evidence is again not consistent. The risk factors for developing these problems are also not clear. This makes specifically targeted interventions difficult (Barlow & Ellard 2006).
Siblings may have similar psychosocial problems. The severity of the affected sibling’s illness can be related to this, as can the sibling receiving less attention from their parent(s), or experiencing disruption to family plans or outings (Barlow & Ellard 2006). Once again the evidence is mixed.
It is clear that having a chronically ill child in the family has the potential to impact on the psychosocial wellbeing of the family as a whole. These multiple and complex issues increase the burden on health systems to be responsive and to promote the wellbeing of the child and family. It is also clear that there are inconsistencies in the evidence, and in order to improve services there is a need for further rigorous research (Barlow & Ellard 2006).
Normalising and family management styles
An important goal of parents and children is normality (Fisher 2001, Knafl & Deatrick 2002, Darvill 2003). Normalisation is a dynamic process that changes over time, with some families normalising and others not. Normalisation entails two conceptual processes:
1. how individual members perceive their new situation, and
2. how they consequently manage the child (Deatrick et al. 1999).
Normalisation is seen in families who focus on the normal aspects of their child rather than focusing on what is different. This affects their management (Knafl & Deatrick 2006), enables them to eventually see their lives as normal, and to manage the illness successfully (Deatrick et al. 2006).
The characteristics of not having achieved normalisation (see Table 12.2) can also be seen as barriers to normalisation. These arise from the subjective views of the parents, conflicting opinions of their situation or the work involved in complying with the treatment regime. Families may exhibit one or more of these barriers (Knafl & Deatrick 2002).
Characteristics of the normalised family | Characteristics of the family not normalised |
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The parents: • acknowledge the condition and its potential to threaten their lifestyle • adopt the normalcy lens (focusing on normal aspects) for defining child and family • engage in parenting behaviours and family routines that are consistent with the normalcy lens • develop a treatment regime that is consistent with the normalcy lens, and • interact with others based on the view of the child and family as normal | The parents: • emphasise the child as being different and that parenting has changed to accommodate a dramatically different view of the child • describe the illness as the major focus of family life • describe the illness as a source of conflict, and • describe the treatment regime as a significant burden entailing behaviours that make them different from other families |
Families may adopt what Knafl et al. (1996) described as a family management style (FMS), which is more than just a strategy such as normalising. The FMS is the configuration formed by the family, their definitions of their situation, their management behaviours and their sociocultural contexts (Knafl et al. 1996). (See Box 12.1.)
Box 12.1
The FMS framework is evidence-based and describes how the family manages both their family life and the child’s health problems (Deatrick et al. 2006). It is based on a continuum of five management styles: Thriving, Accommodating, Enduring, Struggling and Floundering. Examples are:
• The ‘Thriving’ style: families are confident about their ability to manage both usual and unexpected demands; the treatment required is seen as proactive.
• The ‘Struggling’ style: there is parental conflict based on differing views of the child’s illness and their expectations of each other (Deatrick et al. 2006).
A clinical assessment tool that will measure a family’s response to a child’s chronic illness is currently being developed. The aim of the tool is to provide a valid and reliable measure of the family’s response to facilitate interventions that specifically address that family’s needs. The tool is currently being field-tested (Knafl & Deatrick 2006).
The child’s perspective
Until very recently the point of view or voice of children with chronic illness has been ignored. Historically, children’s perspectives have not been sought by qualitative researchers for two reasons. First, they are vulnerable to exploitation and, second, they have been thought of as incapable of participation. In Chapter 4, a discussion of ethical principles, guidelines and practice concerning research with children and young people is presented. Children are vulnerable, but this is not a reason to exclude them from active engagement. As helpful as developmental theories have been, the division of a child’s life into stages (Santrock 2004) has constantly forced comparisons between children and adults. It highlights what children are incapable of rather than what they can do. This could be called a deficit model of children (Woodgate 2001).