36. Psychiatric Forensic Nursing

CHAPTER 36. Psychiatric Forensic Nursing

Tom Mason



Forensic psychiatric nursing is a dynamic profession, that has grown developmentally over many years and will likely extend its sphere of operations in both its content and its target group of patients into the future. The history of forensic psychiatric nursing shadows the other two major disciplines, forensic psychiatry and forensic psychology, but with a different developmental emergence. Whereas forensic psychiatry can trace its roots back more than 200 years and forensic psychology approximately 100 years, forensic psychiatric nursing appeared to emerge throughout the 1980s in the United Kingdom and at a similar time in the United States and Canada. This is not to say, of course, that as attendants to the psychiatric profession nurses have long been a part of the care of people detained because of their mental condition. As long as there have been asylums, there have been carers within those institutions. However, as we will see, professional nurses have a long tradition of working in secure psychiatric facilities as part of their overall caring for those with mental health problems or intellectual disabilities. Yet it is the emergence of the specialty of forensic psychiatric nursing that is, as yet, inchoate and can only claim to be in its third decade.

Notwithstanding, it is fair to say that over this relatively short period of time there has been a huge interest in examining what this psychiatric nursing specialty is and what, if any, is its unique knowledge or focus. This investigation has largely centered on the role constructs of forensic psychiatric nursing as well as on its function. Clearly delineated from working with victims of crime, the sphere of operations is on the perpetrators, whether convicted of a past offense or assessed as being potentially likely to cause harm to someone in the future because of their mental health problem or their intellectual impairment. This gives the forensic psychiatric nursing role added dimensions relating to not only caring for the perpetrators but managing the possibility of future victims through risk assessments and risk management. The role is, thus, highly complex and involves investigative elements and evaluative components.

The three pillars of this jurisprudence enterprise are the law, psychiatry, and ethics, which govern the art and science of caring for what can be a difficult patient group made up of individuals who by and large are compulsorily detained against their wishes and forced to have a treatment that they otherwise would choose not to have. This dynamic has the potential to be extremely dangerous and demanding, and it brings into stark relief the ever-present need for safe and secure professional care. Whatever the level of secure psychiatric provision, the need for safe practice remains paramount. The management of violence and aggression lies at the heart of this profession, and it is testament to their professionalism that injuries to staff and patients remain relatively few rather than many.

At a societal level, there is an increasing concern with what appears to be a rise in violence and aggression, and this is perceived to be the case on numerous fronts (this includes, for example, low-level crime such as burglary through to organized criminal activity such as protection rackets). Furthermore, societies around the world are becoming increasingly alarmed at the high levels of rape, sexual assault, and domestic violence (Keeling & Mason, 2009), not to mention the violence endemic in gang cultures, terror organizations, and certain prisoner groups. Whether or not such apparent increases in violence and aggression are real is open to debate, as some argue that the escalation of violent crime merely reflects a more effective way of collecting and communicating the incidents rather than a real increase (Marsh, 1986). Irrespective of whether or not there has been an increase, societies appear to be more concerned regarding the current levels of violence and aggression within their environments, and this is reflected in the public outcry in relation to mentally disordered offenders released into their communities who then may go on to reoffend. Therefore, the role of forensic psychiatric nurses also incorporates a public concern element to its sphere of operations.


History


The history of secure psychiatric provision in the UK is rooted in the thirteenth century at Bethlem Royal Hospital in London. However, it appears to be largely a containment philosophy grounded in the protection of the public with little, if any, treatment expectations. With the early development of psychiatry, with principles underpinning forms of intervention, albeit frequently bizarre and harmful, we can note libertarian approaches across Europe and the United States throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. All these psychiatric institutions had attendants or assistants operating in the form of carers, and these can be considered the precursors to modern-day nurses. However, forensic psychiatry appears to have emerged through the focus of the criminal act itself as a form of clinical condition (Mason & Mercer, 1998).

Michel Foucault (1978, page 1) claimed that forensic psychiatry was primarily “a pathology of the monstrous,” which erupted onto the legal scene between 1799 and 1830. During this time he claims that European courts of law, judges, jurors, and legal teams began to listen to psychiatric testimony. Not that psychiatrists had not previously given opinion in courts, but that before this period their testimony was not viewed as a mitigation for the offender’s behavior; if the person was deemed insane, then the psychiatric perspective was interesting, but the person was usually convicted anyway and often executed. However, Foucault argued that the creation of the clinical condition of homicidal monomania during this period allowed the psychiatrists to convince courts across Europe that they had a specialist knowledge of this condition, that they could treat it through hospitalization in their psychiatric facilities of the time, and the “patients” would be detained indefinitely. Foucault outlined several cases in which this occurred, and all were serious, bizarre, and strange. For example, in one case a servant girl called on a neighbor of her employers and asked if she could look after their daughter for a short time. The neighbor reluctantly agreed, and when the neighbor returned for their child, the servant girl had killed the daughter, decapitated her, and thrown her head out of the window. Thus, for Foucault, forensic psychiatry was born out of a pathology of the monstrous.

Michel Foucault’s interpretation of these historical beginnings is open to debate. However, a glance at any history of forensic psychiatry will attest to the “great event” that leads to changes in the legal framework, legal thinking, new laws, and psychiatric provision. In the UK in 1800, James Hadfield, a former soldier who had received head wounds, shot at King George III. At his trial, his counsel successfully argued that Hadfield was suffering from a paranoid delusion, which led to a verdict of not guilty. Although Hadfield was remanded to prison, the criminal law had no legal powers over him and the government of the day quickly passed the 1800 Act for the Safe Custody of Insane Persons Charged with Offences. This allowed the confinement of an insane person until “His Majesty’s Pleasure Be Known,” and although no new secure psychiatric provisions were built, these individuals were usually placed in Bethlem. This pivotal legislation was a major turning point for the treatment of offenders with mental health problems. However, the situation did not really change until Daniel McNaughtan shot and killed Edward Drummond, the private secretary to Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel, who was the intended target. At his trial in 1843, it was accepted that McNaughtan suffered from persecutory delusions, and the judge directed a verdict of not guilty by reason of insanity. Queen Victoria was outraged and claimed “insane he may have been but guilty he most assuredly was,” as she herself had seen him fire the shot. This led to the establishment of a number of rules, later known as the McNaughtan rules, which involved establishing the fact that at the time of the offense the person was deemed insane or that he did not know that what he was doing was wrong.

The first asylum in Britain was established at Dundrum, near Dublin in Ireland, in 1856, and this was followed by Broadmoor, near London, in 1863. Further state asylums followed, with Rampton, near Nottingham, opening in 1912 to care for dangerous mental defectives (the Mental Deficiency Act 1913). Moss Side, near Liverpool, also for mental defectives, was opened in 1919 but had several other functions over the years until 1948, when all three state asylums came under the Ministry of Health. Park Lane Hospital, adjacent to Moss Side, was opened in 1984 but was amalgamated with Moss Side to form Ashworth Hospital. These form the High Security Psychiatric Services for the UK. Scotland has just the one state hospital, Carstairs (Blackburn, 1993).

In the United States as far back as the eighteenth century, courts were concerned about a person being able to make a well-informed plea and establishing a defense. In the Frith case of 1790, the court stated:



No man shall be called upon to make his defense at a time when his mind is in that situation as not to appear capable of so doing, for however guilty he may be, the inquiry into his guilt must be postponed to that season when by collecting together his intellects, and having them entire, he shall be able so to model his defense as to ward off the punishment of the law.

At the turn of the nineteenth century, the circuit court judge hearing a famous case involving an assault on Andrew Jackson, remarked that if a mad man is placed on trial, the judge may use discretion, discharging the jury, and sending him to jail to be tried after the recovery of his understanding. In 1899, the Sixth Circuit court held that “It is not due process of law to subject an insane person to trial upon an indictment involving liberty of life” (Youtsey v. United States, 1899). By the turn of the twentieth century, a test for competency was developing. The ruling in United States v. Chisholm (1901) alluded to the cognitive powers and communication capabilities of the defendant. Sixty years later, such capacity and skills were specifically stated in a Supreme Court ruling (Dusky v. United States, 1960). American law elevated the competency rule into a constitutional principle.

However, the term forensic psychiatric nursing did not feature in the High Security Psychiatric Services until the development of the regional secure units in the UK. These medium secure psychiatric units owe their inception to the Report of the Committee on Mentally Abnormal Offenders (Her Majesty’s Stationary Office [HMSO], 1975), although it is fair to say that the idea was first debated in the mid-1960s (Snowden, 1990). Government money sparked the creation of these much smaller medium secure units, and there are more than 50 such facilities spread geographically across the UK. Alongside this, but someway behind, is the establishment of a third tier of secure psychiatric provision in the UK, and these are known as low secure psychiatric units. Other developments include the expansion of mental health units in prisons as well as community provision with outreach services. Therefore, the gamut of forensic psychiatric services from prisons and the three security levels of high, medium, and low through to community services is established with forensic psychiatric nurses featuring in all these facilities. It is with these developments that the term forensic psychiatric nursing first emerged throughout the 1980s. In the United States and Canada, the services are similar (with exceptions as outlined later) and the high security psychiatric services are usually referred to as state hospitals, which may be a part of an overall correctional facility.

At the time of writing there appears to be two general systems for secure forensic psychiatric care: (1) services that are made up only of healthcare professionals (i.e., psychiatrists, psychologists, nurses, and occupational therapists who undertake all roles pertinent to the function of the hospital, unit, or service including the security functions [as in the UK]) and (2) services that are made up of healthcare personnel and separate security staff who are responsible only for the security issues (as in the United States). There are advantages and disadvantages in both systems. For example, one advantage of the UK system is that security is seen as the responsibility of all staff and they are trained to undertake these roles. One advantage of the U.S. system is that the healthcare staff can focus on health-related issues only and do not obfuscate the therapeutic relationship with the security function.



Theoretical Underpinnings


There are many theories of both mental disorder and criminal behavior, and Mason and Mercer (1999) have offered a timeline of how the fusion of these theories forms the basis of contemporary forensic psychiatric nursing. They draw on psychiatric thinkers such as Szsaz, Jones, Scheff, and Laing and locate their philosophy with developments in criminology, and they consider sociological theorists such as Cloward, Goffman, Becker, Lemert, and Foucault. This fusion locates the central tenet of forensic psychiatric nursing as a psychosocial undertaking. Social scientists are continuing to attempt to make sense of the increase in both crime and mental disorder through various frameworks, and Box 36-1 describes seven major schools of thought as outlined by Ohlin and Farrington (1991).

Box 36-1







1. Individual development theory predicts that conduct disorders and early delinquency lead to crime. Temperamental and developmental deficiencies are predictors of a career in crime and are disproportionately common among adolescents who continue criminal activity into adulthood.


2. Social control theory predicts that when the social constraints on antisocial behavior are weakened or absent, delinquent crime emerges. Socially acceptable behavior is more likely if the individual maintains an attachment to others, shares their values, and shares involvement in law-abiding activities.


3. Social learning theory predicts that those who persist in criminal activity continue to increase the frequency, duration, and intensity of contact with other offenders, whereas those who desist from crime decrease contact with offenders and increase contact with nonoffenders. Individuals learn how to break the law in the same way they learn other types of behavior; therefore, criminal behavior is learned. This learning is communicated in intimate groups of family and peers. The learning includes motives, attitudes, and rationalization, as well as technique.


4. Social disorganization theory predicts that crime results when community life becomes disorganized, when high mobility and a heterogeneous population cause a breakdown in conforming controls over criminal conduct. Community consensus on norms, values, and beliefs cannot develop. Residents encounter cultural conflict, loss of control, and an increase in organized illegal activities.


5. Network theory predicts that when network ties are weak, social sanctions against crime will work. People become offenders by being recruited into networks and socialized to crime.


6. Rational choice theory predicts that individuals choose crime when the benefits outweigh the costs of disobeying the law. Crime will decrease when opportunities are limited, benefits are reduced, and costs are increased. Criminal behavior is more than a response to social pressures or upbringing. It is also a choice.


7. Deterrence theory predicts that when punishment is swift and certain, incidence of crime is reduced. A study indicated that 30% of Americans believed that crime could be reduced by emphasizing punishment, and 71% supported greater use of the death penalty.

Data from Ohlin, M., & Farrington, D. (1991). Human development and criminal behavior: New ways of advancing knowledge. New York: Springer-Verlag.

Theories of determinism are also offered as explanations given by perpetrators who lay blame for their own actions on factors that they cannot control. For example, they may ascribe their behavior to one of three sources of determinism: (1) genetics (“It’s my grandparents fault”), (2) psychological upbringing (“It’s my parents fault”), and (3) environment/surroundings (“It’s my partner’s, boss’s, culture’s fault”). The forensic psychiatric nurse will factor into her or his assessment the nature of these positions and the patient’s response to them.




Role Definition and Skills/Competencies


As stated earlier, although forensic psychiatric nursing has a relatively short history, it has certainly developed at a pace over the past three decades. In the United States, forensic psychiatric nursing continues to be a dynamic area of practice, which responds to the changing patient profiles. Nurses in this area have expanded their knowledge to meet the changing needs of the individuals, groups, and communities that they serve (Coram, 2006), and forensic psychiatric nurses have increasingly been involved with patients whose chronic illnesses and behavior has led them to interface with the legal system. In the United States, jails and prisons have long used registered nurses with physical assessment skills to treat minor illnesses and injuries (American Nurses Association [ANA], 1985), and since the 1980s, changing social problems have demanded that these nurses incorporate more teaching of substance abuse, AIDS prevention, and wellness into their function. Increased substance abuse, gang involvement, easy access to weapons, and diverse social peer pressures have resulted in an explosion in the crime rates with an ever growing number of people requiring assessment and evaluation following their arrest, remand, and subsequent court appearance. Many of these had no previous contact with the mental health system at that time (Bencer, 1989).

Coram (2006) informed us that before 1993 there was no literature defining the characteristics of psychiatric nurses who also overlap into the forensic arenas. She also claimed that one could find no written work describing the expanded role of a clinical nurse specialist (CNS) who chooses to practice in an area that contains elements of physiological nursing, psychiatric nursing, correctional nursing, law enforcement, and the criminal justice system. However, early work in the United States collected data on the number of registered nurses providing forensic psychiatric nursing services. Survey forms were sent to registered nurses working in all facilities listed in the Directory of Programs and Facilities for Mentally Disordered Offenders as published by the National Institute of Mental Health (1992). Survey forms were returned from 42 states with the response rate being 45%. The data suggested that master’s-prepared nurses are more likely to perform forensic functions involving assessment, consultation, or courtroom testimony. This reinforced the position that forensic psychiatric nurses viewed their intersections of practice outside their own discipline.

The study brought to light the confusion between the terms forensic and correctional nursing. Many nurses claimed identification as a forensic nurse because of the location of their work or the legal status of their patients, rather than the role functions that they were performing. For example, physiological nurses may perform their functions in psychiatric or correctional nursing facilities and refer to themselves as forensic nurses because the patients are incarcerated. However, this is different from forensic psychiatric nursing, which is not determined by the location but by the nurse-patient relationship and the role functions that they perform. This confusion between physiological nurses being known as forensic nurses was also highlighted in a study in Canada, which focused on the competencies and skills of registered nurses working in correctional healthcare. Although the title suggested that the nurses were “working in forensic areas,” none of the actual duties reported were forensic role functions (Niskala, 1986).


In the United Kingdom, there is a longstanding concern regarding the skills and competencies required by forensic psychiatric nurses working with patients with mental health problems (Ewars & Ikin, 2002), learning disabilities (Woods & Mason, 1998), and psychopathic and personality disorders (Moran and Mason, 1996 and Tennant et al., 2000). However, more recent research suggests a division between role dimensions and clinical aspects. Mason, Lovell, and Coyle (2008) reported on an investigation into the skills and competencies for forensic psychiatric nurses from the perspective of three groups of healthcare professionals: (1) forensic psychiatric nurses, (2) nonforensic psychiatric nurses, and (3) professionals working in other healthcare disciplines, including psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers, and occupational therapists. From 3360 questionnaires distributed, 1172 were returned, making a response rate of 35%. The study focused on what the three groups of staff considered forensic psychiatric nursing skills and competencies to be and asked them to identify the top 10 strengths and weaknesses, required and not required skills and benefits, and finally the barriers to effective interventions. The nursing groups tended to focus on personal qualities both in relation to themselves and the patients, whereas the other disciplines focused on organizational structures both in defining the role and in the resolution of perceived deficits (Box 36-2).

Box 36-2
























Main Strengths Main Weaknesses



Life experience


Empathy


Clinical experience


Knowledge base


Listening skills


Patience


Communication


Fairness


Honesty


Confidence



Frustration


Lack of knowledge


Lack of assertiveness


Lack of time


Lack of results


Lack of confidence


Frustration with aggressive patients


Frustration with ignorant staff


Lack of research skills


Frustration with management/psychiatrists
Skills Required Skills not Required



Skills for personality disordered patients


Listening skills


Confidence


Clinical knowledge


Communication skills


Nonjudgmental attitude


Empathy


Patience


Knowledge of offending behavior


Multidisciplinary working skills



National vocational qualifications


Overconfidence


Demanding nature


Narrow mindedness


Judgmental attitude


Generic psychiatric experience


Bad attitude


Overcontrolling nature


Lack of understanding


Poor risk assessment
Main Benefits Main Barriers



Job satisfaction


Patient’s progression


Negotiation skills


Patient’s improvement


Motivation


Experience


Insight


Multidisciplinary working


Secure environment


Knowledge



Bureaucracy (paperwork)


Lack of support from managers


Management


Medical power


Poor support from managers


Multidisciplinary team


Medical model


Slow referral systems


Limited resources


Moving patients on

In their second paper (Mason, et al., 2008), these authors focused on the clinical aspects of their research and identified the top 10 problems that forensic psychiatric nurses are likely to face, the problems that give the most difficulty, the skills best suited to overcome those problems, and the aspects of forensic psychiatric nursing care that need to be developed. The results showed a similarity between the three groups of healthcare professionals in that violence and aggression, particularly with psychopathic patients, was regarded as the main problematic area. However, there were also differences between all three groups with the greatest difference being between the forensic psychiatric nurses and the other disciplines. Further developments have recently been described by Mason, Dulson, and King (2009), who reported on research examining if differences in perceptions of forensic psychiatric nurses differed in relation to the three levels of secure psychiatric services of low, medium, and high security in the UK. The implications for these findings are that they tend to produce more negative views in the high security settings, which led to a withdrawal from therapeutic endeavors (Mason, King, & Dulson, 2009).

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Nov 8, 2016 | Posted by in NURSING | Comments Off on 36. Psychiatric Forensic Nursing

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