In every gang across the nation, there are various types of gang members ranging from hardcore to wannabe members. The most plentiful type of gang member is the active/regular gang member making up between 4% and 50% of the gang (Akiyama et al., 1997 and Virginia Gang Investigators Association, 2008). Regular gang members admit that they are in a gang when asked. They also have gang-related tattoos, are involved in gang-related crimes, and have a past history of gang activity. Associate/affiliate gang members make up 20% to 30% of the gang (Akiyama et al., 1997 and Virginia Gang Investigators Association, 2008). Associate and regular gang members also use hand signs to communicate with each other and to other rival gangs. Associate and regular gang members also write gang graffiti, wear gang-related clothing (colors), associate with known gang members, and are included in gang photos. What sets associates apart from regular members is that they are able to freely come and go in and out of the gang at will, making them great informants for law enforcement. The hardcore gang members, known as “OGs” (original gangsters), make up 10% to 20% of the gang and form the primary leadership arm of the gang group (Akiyama et al., 1997 and Virginia Gang Investigators Association, 2008). Hardcore gang members fit into all of the criteria listed for regular and associate members, but they are also involved in narcotics distribution. Furthermore, hardcore gang members are involved in violent gang activity from assaults, shootings, and robberies, to murder. Wannabes are the last group of gang member types. Wannabes make up less than 10% of the gang; however, they are extremely dangerous (Akiyama et al., 1997 and Virginia Gang Investigators Association, 2008). Although other gang member types have the potential to be extremely dangerous as well, the dangerousness of the wannabes lies in their motivation to be part of the gang to begin with. The wannabes need to prove that they are “down” and have “heart” (dedication) for the gang because in the gang hierarchy, wannabes are at the bottom. To be dedicated to the gang, the wannabes are instructed by the OG to prove that they have heart for the gang by performing a gang-related crime such as killing a rival gang member or committing a robbery or property crime such as burglary (Akiyama et al., 1997 and Virginia Gang Investigators Association, 2008).

In determining a gang member typology, it is important to use the strongest of initial criteria to classify a suspected gang member. For example, if an individual is documented for writing gang graffiti, wears gang colors, and admits that he or she is a gang member, this individual should be classified as a gang member. To list a person as a hardcore gang member, only one of the criteria for hardcore members needs to be met. Any evidence of heavy gang involvement must be thoroughly documented.

Why would someone want to join a gang? The following are just some reasons.

African-American gangs are probably the most well known because of the media portrayal of gangs. The primary motivation of African-American gangs is earning money and narcotics distribution (Akiyama et al., 1997, Huff, 2001, Jackson and McBride, 2000, Klein, 1997, Leet et al., 2000, Schmidt and O’Reilly, 2007, Valdez, 2005 and Valdez, 2007). African-American gangs are divided up into “sets” based on geographic location; as a result, African-American gangs are territorial, meaning that they “claim” the neighborhood for which they often reside as belonging to that particular gang and no other gang can claim that territorial area (Egley et al., 2006, Franzese et al., 2006, Huff, 2001 and Leet et al., 2000). Furthermore, in an African-American gang, the individual is important, not the entire gang group (Akiyama et al., 1997, Huff, 2001, Klein, 1997, Leet et al., 2000, Valdez, 2005 and Valdez, 2007). An African-American gang member often will have a moniker or nickname, which is an arbitrary name given to a particular gang member that represents some characteristics that the individual wants to draw out (Leet et al., 2000). African-American gang members often wear identifying colors that indicate their gang affiliation, such as red clothing, shoes, and hats for Bloods and blue clothing, shoes, and hats for Crips (Akiyama et al., 1997, Huff, 2001, Klein, 1997, Valdez, 2005 and Valdez, 2007). Since the early 1990s, the Crips and the Bloods have been two of the most popular, polarized, and often glorified African-American gang groups in the United States, due in large part to the media portrayal of these two groups.

Latino gangs are motivated by a state of mind driven by La Raza, which translated means “for the race” (Akiyama et al., 1997, Huff, 2001, Jackson and McBride, 2000, Katz and Webb, 2006, Klein, 1997, Leet et al., 2000, Schmidt and O’Reilly, 2007, Thornberry et al., 2003, Valdez, 2005 and Valdez, 2007). It is important to note that La Raza is more of a cultural ideology than a gang-related one (Valdez, 2005 and Valdez, 2007). Nevertheless, Latino gangs are extremely territorial, and unlike African-American gangs, where the individual is important, for Latino gangs it is the gang as a whole that is important and not the individual (Akiyama et al., 1997, Huff, 2001, Leet et al., 2000, Valdez, 2005 and Valdez, 2007). To illustrate this point, when Latino gang members go to prison, they will be controlled by one of two prison gangs, depending on the geographic location of the prison: La Eme or Nuestra Familia (Huff, 2001, Leet et al., 2000 and Valdez, 2005). La Eme, otherwise known as the Mexican Mafia, is a prison gang originating in California and is considered the leadership arm of all Latino gangs in Southern California (Akiyama et al., 1997, Leet et al., 2000 and Valdez, 2005). The letter “M” in Spanish is pronounced “eme” and is the 13th letter of the alphabet. Consequently, throughout Southern California, Latino gangs will often call themselves by the city or area that they represent, followed by the number 13 to indicate “La Eme” or “Southern”, thereby giving respect to the Mexican Mafia. In Northern California, the Nuestra Familia, which is translated to mean “our family,” is the prison gang that controls every Latino gang north of Fresno and is often indicated by the number 14, representing the letter “N” for Nuestra and Northern (Leet et al., 2000 and Valdez, 2005).

At one time in the early 1960s, La Eme and Nuestra Familia were united as one prison gang called “La Eme”. It was not until the late 1960s when the two gangs began to separate to form two distinct prison gangs. This separation took place because the Latino gang members from Los Angeles in Southern California mocked fun of the predominantly migrant farm workers of Central and Northern California, thinking that the migrant factory workers in Los Angeles were better off financially and socially than the farmers of Fresno and Delano. However, these two Latino, predominantly Mexican-American prison gangs, have total control over the entire Latino street gang population throughout the state of California and Mexico—even Latino gangs who are rivals out on the street are, once incarcerated, under the control of either La Eme or Nuestra Familia, depending on geographic location (Leet et al., 2000 and Valdez, 2005). Once inside the California prison system, if any gang member or gang group does not comply with the demands and orders of La Eme or Nuestra Familia, there are serious consequences, even death to that specific gang member and all members of his gang. In fact, La Eme or Nuestra Familia will issue a “hit” on that gang, and if any Latino gang member sees a member of the gang that has the “hit” on it, that person is allowed to kill those targeted gang members immediately with no questions asked (Leet et al., 2000 and Valdez, 2005).

Latino gangs are very territorial and are often divided into cliques based on age, as opposed to the African-American gangs, which are divided by sets based on geographic location. An example of a Latino gang is the gang 18th Street. Membership in a Latino gang is not ethnically exclusive, especially in California. As a result, one will see other races and ethnicities in a Latino gang (Huff, 2001, Leet et al., 2000 and Valdez, 2005). Membership is, however, generational for some gang members, meaning that there could conceivably be three to four generations of gang members in one gang (Valdez, 2005) (Fig. 35-10). This characteristic is unique to Latino gangs, as one will not find multiple generations in an African-American, Asian, or Caucasian gang. All Latino gang members have monikers or nicknames, which is normally based on physical appearance (Fig. 35-11). Latino gang members are also known to have tattoos that indicate their gang affiliation. Some common tattoos are the three dots meaning “Mi Vida Loca” translated to mean “My Crazy Life” (Fig. 35-12). Other examples of tattoos in Latino gangs are the “Smile Now Cry Later” tattoo (Fig. 35-13).